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A LaserPhoto of ANDRE GROMKYO SOVIET RUSSIA MINISTERAndrei Andreyevich Gromyko was a Soviet Belarusian communist politician during the Cold War. He served as Minister of Foreign Affairs and as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. Gromyko was responsible for many top decisions on Soviet foreign policy until he retired in 1988.
I first met Andrei Gromyko in London in 1945, where he was representing the Soviet Union on the Preparatory Commission of the United Nations. Gromyko had been a very young wartime Soviet ambassador in Washington and was generally regarded as something of a whiz kid. Most of Gromyko’s colleagues on the Preparatory Commission had worked with him on the drafting of the United Nations Charter. The international climate was now rapidly changing, the smiles and bonhomie of San Francisco giving way to the grim realities that were soon to become the Cold War.
15 May 1947 – Starting with his involvement in the creation of the United Nations, and with his subsequent appointment as the USSR’s Permanent Representative to the UN and then as the USSR’s Foreign Minister, Ambassador Gromyko became a regular fixture at the world body. Shown here, in May 1947, ahead of a General Assembly meeting, he meets with Secretary-General Trygve Lie (left) and Alfred Fiderkiewicz of Poland, the Assembly’s alternate Vice-President. UN Photo/MBAlthough some of the spirit of wartime cooperation remained, mutual suspicion and hostility between Stalin’s Soviet Union and the west were growing fast. Gromyko handled his difficult assignment with great skill. The Soviet line had become increasingly unwelcome to the other delegates, though Gromyko himself was still liked and respected. The United States was at that time not only the richest country in the world, but also the only nuclear power. The Soviet Union had been devastated by the war, and while a permanent member of the new UN Security Council, it was physically weak and in a minority. It was Gromyko’s task to reduce the appearance of this inequality as much as possible.
Despite the first ominous symptoms of the Cold War, the proceedings of the UN Preparatory Commission were relatively harmonious and achieved a great deal of organizational work in an extraordinarily short time. Some of the credit for this was certainly due to Gromyko. Dour and gruff in demeanor, his wry humor defused many difficult debates. He liked rather formulaic jokes like saying, after a long debate on a resolution, “I have just one small amendment. It is to add the word ‘not’ in the operative paragraph.” These sallies amused and relieved Gromyko’s colleagues.
One of Gromyko’s most important interventions concerned the permanent location of the headquarters of the future UN. The Europeans and the United States favoured Geneva, from which the Soviet Union had been expelled in 1939 for invading Finland. Gromyko argued that the United States was the best place for the UN’s headquarters. “The United States is located conveniently between Asia and Europe” he said. “The old world had it once and it is time for the new world to have it.” The Soviet Union, remembering that in 1919 the United States had invented the League of Nations and then refused to join it, wanted to make it as difficult as possible for the US to withdraw from the new world organization. Gromyko’s pointof view prevailed, and New York became the UN’s hometown.Some highlights from the career of Andrei Gromyko, the Soviet Union's top diplomat who served as Permanent Representative to the United Nations before becoming Foreign Minister, a post in which he served from 1957 to 1985 and which had him return to UN Headquarters many times over the decades.By the time the UN moved to New York City in 1952, the political atmosphere was already much bleaker, and there was notably less diplomatic banter in the daily business at the UN. The debates in the Security Council, which initially met in the converted gymnasium of Hunter College (now Lehman College) in the Bronx, were grim affairs, often involving prolonged verbal battles between East and West. Gromyko, being in a voting minority in the Council, often had to resort to the veto, which led to much outrage in the American press. Lady Theodosia Cadogan, the imperious wife of the British ambassador, was heard, at a public dinner, to ask in high Edwardian tones, “Mr. Gromyko, why don’t you stop that stupid veto?”!!
25 September 1961 – President John F. Kennedy of the United States addressed the 16th session of the UN General Assembly. Here, at a reception given by the US Mission to the UN for heads of delegations, President Kennedy greetings Foreign Minister Gromyko of the USSR. UN Photo/Yutaka NagataGromyko created a sensation by walking out of the Security Council in protest at the debate on the presence of Soviet groups in Iran in 1946. His absence set a precedent which had unintended and far-reaching consequences. At the start of the Korean crisis in 1950, the Soviet Union was boycotting the Security Council in protest against Taiwan’s representing China in the UN and was therefore unable to veto the decision to launch a UN force to counter the North Korean invasion of South Korea. After that mistake no Soviet ambassador was allowed to leave his seat at the table while the Security Council was in session, even to go to the bathroom.
Gromyko remained the dominant spokesman for Soviet foreign policy until shortly before his death. This must have required enormous discipline and self-restraint. Unlike other Soviet cold warriors – Yakov Malik, Andrei Vishinsky, Valerian Zorin – Gromyko, however adversarial, was always dignified and never descended to the gutter level of abuse and name-calling often reached by the others. Soviet leaders, taking Gromyko for granted, delighted in attempting to humiliate him. The buffoon Khrushchev told a visiting foreign dignitary, “That is Gromyko, my foreign minister. If I tell him to pull down his pants and sit on a block of ice, he will do it.”
I had my last direct contact with Gromyko in 1973. We were in Geneva for the Middle East Peace Conference after the 1973 Yom Kippur war. Secretary General Kurt Waldheim had been charged with organizing this highly publicized meeting and, as so often in such affairs, the seating arrangements presented major symbolic difficulties. We had finally come up with a plan in which the Unites States and the USSR, as the co-chairmen of the conference, would be seated as buffers between the most mutually hostile members. This meant, among other things, that the USSR would be seated next to Israel. Henry Kissinger agreed to persuade Israel to accept this arrangement if Waldheim could get Gromyko to accept it. I was dispatched on this errand and found Gromyko in his fun-loving mood. This, he said, was a challenge he had been awaiting for twenty years. When I said that time was very short and urged him to accept, he replied, “On one condition. Henry Kissinger must ask me on his knees.” I brought Kissinger over, and after much badinage Gromyko finally accepted graciously. The conference opened only forty minutes late.26 June 1945 – Andrei Gromyko’s involvement in foreign affairs began early. He joined the diplomatic service of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) at the age of 30 in 1939. He was appointed the Soviet Union’s Permanent Representative to the United States in 1943, and took part in many of the international gatherings which led to the creation of the United Nations. Here, he signs the UN Charter at the UN Conference on International Organization (also known as the San Francisco Conference given its location), which reviewed previous steps to forming the world body and the creation of the UN Charter. UN Photo‹ PreviousNext ›
In meeting with style and dignity the formidable challenge of representing the Soviet Union to a largely hostile world, Gromyko became an international institution. Despite the bitter political climate, those who dealt with him from the other side of the East-West divide never lost their respect, even affection for him.
Almost everyone in Old Gromyki in Belorussia in 1909 took their surname from the village’s name and were called Gromyko. So were more than 250 families in New Gromyki not far away. For practical purposes everyone needed a nickname or pseudonym, and the young Andrei Andreyevich’s was Burmakov. Born into a poor peasant household he managed to get an education which took him to the Lenin Institute in Moscow. His field was economics and in his twenties he held a senior post at the Soviet Academy of Sciences.
Stalin’s 1930s purges, however, created promising job opportunities in the Soviet foreign service, to which Andrei Gromyko would prove ideally suited. Rising rapidly up the system, he specialized in American affairs and in 1939 was made head of the United States section of the foreign affairs commissariat. He was a protégé of Vyacheslav Molotov, whom he would virtually succeed as foreign minister.
Meanwhile, Gromyko was appointed ambassador to Washington DC in 1943 when he was only thirty-four, and from 1946 he was the Soviet representative on the UN Security Council, in which capacity he cast his country’s veto twenty-six times. In the 1950s he did a short spell as ambassador in London, where he could not bring himself to wear a top hat to Buckingham Palace to present his credentials. He was forty-five when he was made Soviet foreign minister in succession to Dmitri Shepilov, who had held the post after Molotov for only a few months. Gromyko kept his hold on it for almost thirty years.Gromyko was a diplomat’s diplomat. Whether by temperament or design, or both, he was never linked with any particular set of policies or associated with any particular faction in Soviet politics. He appeared to have no principles beyond, in the old definition of an ambassador’s job, ‘lying abroad for his country’, which he was good at. He was an unfailingly reliable spokesman for whatever it was his masters wanted said.Appointed foreign minister under Malenkov, Gromyko served through the de-Stalinization period after the dictator’s death and was involved in the Cuban missile crisis and the other events of the Khrushchev years until the coming of the Gorbachev regime in 1985. By then he was well into his seventies and he was replaced as foreign minister and given the ceremonial position of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. He retired in 1988 and died the following year at seventy-nine.
Andrei Gromyko was born on July 18, 1909, in a village in Belorussia, then a province in the western region of the Russian Empire. His parents were peasant farmers. After the Revolution of 1917 the Communist state helped young people from working families to obtain a higher education and encouraged them to join the Communist Party. Gromyko took advantage of these opportunities.
Despite the hardships which the collectivization of agriculture imposed on the peasant population, he became a loyal supporter of Stalin's regime. He joined the Communist Party in 1931 and attended an agricultural technical school in his province, graduating in 1936. He then went to Moscow to work in the Institute of Economics of the Soviet Academy of Sciences, where he completed his doctoral thesis on the mechanization of agriculture in the United States. For several years he occupied the position of senior researcher in the institute, where he specialized in the American economy.
A Career In DiplomacyHe began a new career in 1939 in the Soviet Diplomatic Service. Many older diplomats had disappeared during the late 1930s in Stalin's police terror. The new recruits who took their place received quick promotion to important diplomatic positions. Gromyko had the necessary qualifications for advancement. Son of working peasants, well educated, and a member of the party since the beginning of the Stalin take-over, he belonged to the new generation of Stalinists. He had no experience or previous training in international relations. He learned his leadership skills on the job. Until 1985 his entire career was devoted to Soviet foreign affairs.
Gromyko began his work at the Soviet embassy in Washington, D.C., one of the Soviet Union's most important diplomatic posts. In 1943 at age 34 he was made Soviet ambassador to the United States. While serving in Washington he learned to speak fluent English. In World War II the Soviet Union and the United States were allies against Nazi Germany and Japan. Gromyko attended the major Allied conferences at Yalta and Potsdam in 1945, assisting Stalin in his negotiations with US leaders. The Soviet Union that year joined in the founding of the United Nations. Gromyko participated in the writing of the U.N. Charter, which made the Soviet Union a member of the Security Council with the right to veto any U.N. policy. In 1946 he became the permanent representative from the USSR to the Security Council.
In the two years that followed, the beginning of the Cold War produced serious diplomatic conflicts in the United Nations between the Soviet Union and the West. Gromyko faithfully carried out the new Soviet policy, casting 26 vetoes to prevent the United Nations from adopting resolutions of which Stalin disapproved. His unsmiling public appearances earned him the title among Western diplomats of "Old Stone Face." His work satisfied Stalin and Molotov, minister of foreign affairs, and in 1949 he was promoted to first deputy minister, becoming Molotov's direct assistant. In ten years he had risen from the position of research scholar in agriculture to one of the most important posts in Soviet foreign relations.
After Stalin's death in 1953 Gromyko continued to serve the new leaders competently and loyally. When Khrushchev came to power in 1955 he introduced a policy of "peaceful coexistence" to improve relations with the West. New conferences were held between East and West. Gromyko collaborated in these meetings. His influence grew when in 1956 he was appointed a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. His career advanced again in 1957 when the minister of foreign affairs joined a group of other leading Communists opposing Khrushchev's policies in an attempt to remove him from power. They failed and were themselves removed from their leadership positions (Molotov left Moscow to become Soviet ambassador to the Mongolian People's Republic). Gromyko's reward for loyal service and for taking no part in the plot to depose Khrushchev was promotion to minister of foreign affairs.
Minister Of Foreign AffairsIn his years as minister he distinguished himself by his ability to implement effectively the policies of the Soviet leadership. He was adept at accommodating every Soviet leader from Stalin to Gorbachev, and in dealing with nine US presidents during his career. He participated actively in all international meetings and negotiated with leaders of important countries. In 1962 Khrushchev secretly ordered the installation of Soviet intermediate-range nuclear missiles in Cuba. Gromyko went to Washington at that time to talk with President Kennedy, who warned him of the danger of a US-Soviet war if the Soviet missiles were actually placed in Cuba. Gromyko never admitted that his country was involved in this dangerous action; later he claimed that he had not concealed the move since the US president had never put the question of the missiles directly to him.
In the mid-1960s the Soviet Union began major industrial projects with the aid of Western corporations, including the Fiat automobile company in Italy. In 1966 Gromyko led the Soviet delegation to Rome to conclude the Fiat agreement. There he asked for and received an audience with the Pope. He was the first Soviet statesman publicly to recognize the importance of the Papacy. He appeared to have felt a deep satisfaction at the growing power and influence of his country in world affairs, asserting in 1971 that "today there is no question of any significance (in international relations) which can be resolved without the Soviet Union or in opposition to her."
Gromyko belonged to the Soviet political elite who enjoyed special comforts and privileges. He took personal pleasure in fine clothes, having his business suits specially made by Western tailors. He was probably instrumental in the successful career of his son, who became director of the Institute of African Affairs and wrote many authoritative articles on Soviet foreign policy (one consisting of a rare interview with his father discussing the Cuban missile crisis).
A Power In The PolitburoIn the early 1970s the Soviet Union concluded with the United States an important treaty for the limitation of nuclear armaments, the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT). Gromyko helped to negotiate the final agreement. He acquired extensive knowledge of ballistic missiles and nuclear weapons. When negotiating, noted one observer, Gromyko "never took a note, never looked at a folder or turned to his assistants for advice." His service in these negotiations and support for the Soviet leader, Brezhnev, earned him in 1973 a position in the Communist Party's ruling committee, the Politburo. In addition, he received during his years as foreign minister many honors, including the Order of Lenin and Hero of Socialist Labor.
Relations with the United States gradually worsened during the 1970s. Gromyko sought in international meetings to strengthen the global influence of the Soviet Union. He promoted close ties with African states regardless of their type of government or economic system, declaring that "we do not consider ideological differences in social systems." When in the early 1980s Brezhnev became ill and could not make major foreign policy statements, Gromyko took his place. In the campaign to prevent the United States from placing new nuclear missiles in Europe, he declared in 1982 in the United Nations that the Soviet Union, "the world's foremost peace loving nation, " promised never to be the first state in any international conflict to use nuclear weapons. This "no first use" pledge did not represent a new policy, for the Soviet Union had built its nuclear weapons arsenal to match that of the United States and to prevent a nuclear attack. In making the speech Gromyko established that he had begun to play a major part in decisions on Soviet foreign policy. His decades of experience in international relations had by then earned him a new title—"Dean of World Diplomacy."
The Rise Of Gorbachev And The Demise OfGromykoAfter Brezhnev's death in late 1982 Gromyko became one of the small circle of Soviet Communists in the Politburo to choose the new Soviet leader. Two successors died soon after their appointments. In 1985 the Politburo picked their youngest member, Mikhail Gorbachev, to be general secretary. Gromyko made the formal announcement of this choice. He occupied by then the informal position among his colleagues as senior member of the Politburo. Gorbachev elevated Gromyko's position to that of President, (the official title being Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, thus replacing Chernenko, who had died in March, 1985. This position, though prestigious, lacked an effective degree of power, and essentially brought Gromyko's political career to an end after 28 years. Gromyko was replaced as Minister of Foreign Affairs by Eduard Shevardnadze, former party boss of the Soviet Republic of Georgia. In 1989, the Politburo voted Gromyko out as president. He was hospitalized for vascular problems shortly thereafter, and died in July 1989, at the age of 80. Only one Politburo member attended his funeral.
Gromyko's autobiography Memoirs was begun in 1979, published in the Moscow in 1988 and in the US in 1990. There are countless discrepancies between events, not only in the nine years it took Gromyko to write the book, but also in the later English translation. In his autobiography, Gromyko recounts meetings with everyone from Marilyn Monroe to Yasar Arafat to Pope John Paul II. Although he reveals little, Gromyko remained a loyal Stalinist to the end. Despite recent reassessment of Stalin's career and methodologies, Gromyko stubbornly defends him. With regard to the Cold War, Gromyko blames the US and holds Stalin himself blameless.
Further ReadingSummary biographies are included in Who's Who in the Soviet Union (1984) and in The International Who's Who 1984-85 (1984); brief biographical accounts of his life are provided in "A Diplomat for All Seasons, " TIME (June 25, 1984); "Winds of Kremlin Change, " TIME (July 15, 1985); in various book reviews of Memories:see New Republic (May 14, 1990); and National Review (April 30, 1990); and in "An Enduring Russian Face, " New York Times (July 3, 1985); scattered references to his activity as minister of foreign affairs are found in Robin Edmunds, Soviet Foreign Policy:The Brezhnev Years (1983); Gromyko's memoirs, titled Memories, were published in 1990. □
Encyclopedia of World BiographyGromyko, Andrei AndreyevichViews 1,368,014Updated May 30 2020GROMYKO, ANDREI ANDREYEVICH(1909–1989), Soviet foreign minister and president.
Andrei Gromyko was born into a peasant family in the village of Starye Gromyki in Belorussia. He joined the Communist Party in 1931. He completed study at the Minsk Agricultural Institute in 1932 and gained a Candidate of Economics degree from the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Agronomy in 1936. From 1936 to 1939 he was a senior researcher in the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences and the executive editorial secretary of the journal Problemy ekonomiki; he later gained a doctorate of Economics in 1956. In 1939 Gromyko switched to diplomatic work and became section head for the Americas in the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs. Later that year he became counselor in the Soviet Embassy in Washington. Between 1943 and 1946 he was Soviet ambassador to the United States and Cuba. During this time, he was involved in the Dumbarton Oaks Conference (1944) called to produce the UN Charter and the 1945 San Francisco conference establishing the United Nations. He also played an organizational role in the Big Three wartime conferences. From 1946 to 1948 he was the permanent representative in the UN Security Council as well as deputy (from 1949 First Deputy) minister of foreign affairs. Except for the period 1952–1953 when he was ambassador to Great Britain, he held the First Deputy post until he was promoted to foreign minister following the anti-party group affair of 1957. Gromyko remained foreign minister until July 1985, when he became chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, effectively Soviet president.
Throughout his career, Gromyko was neither highly ambitious nor a major political actor on the domestic scene. Although a full member of the Central Committee from 1956, he did not become a full member of the Politburo until 1973. He developed his diplomatic skills and became the public face of Soviet foreign policy, gaining a reputation as a tough negotiator who never showed his hand. He was influential in the shaping of foreign policy, in particular détente, but he was never unchallenged as the source of that policy; successive leaders
Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev both sought to place their personal stamp upon foreign policy, while there was always competition from the International Department of the Party Central Committee and the KGB. Gromyko formally nominated Mikhail Gorbachev as General Secretary in March 1985, and three months later was moved from the Foreign Ministry to the presidency. The foreign policy for which he was spokesperson during the Brezhnev period now came under attack as Gorbachev and his Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze embarked on a new course. Gromyko's most important task while he was president was to chair a commission that recommended the removal of restrictions on the ability of Crimean Tatars to return to Crimea. Gromyko was forced to step down from the Politburo in September 1988, and from the presidency in October 1988, and was retired from the Central Committee in April 1989. He was the author of many speeches and articles on foreign affairs.
See also: brezhnev, leonid ilich; gorbachev, mikhail sergeyevich
BibliographyEdmonds, Robin. (1983). Soviet Foreign Policy: The Brezhnev Years. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Gromyko, Andrei. (1989). Memories, tr. Harold Shukman. London: Arrow Books.
The Tauris Soviet Directory. The Elite of the USSR Today. (1989). London: I. B. Tauris.
Graeme Gill
Encyclopedia of Russian History GILL, GRAEMEGromyko, AndreiViews 3,755,100Updated May 30 2020Gromyko, Andrei (1909–89) Soviet statesman, foreign minister (1957–85), president (1985–88). As Soviet ambassador to the USA (1943–46), Gromyko took part in the Yalta and Potsdam peace conferences (1945). He acted as the permanent Soviet delegate to the United Nations (1946–48). As foreign minister, Gromyko represented the Soviet Union throughout most of the Cold War and helped to arrange the summits between Brezhnev and Nixon. He was given the largely honorary role of president by Mikhail Gorbachev.Andrei Andreyevich Gromyko (Russian: Андре́й Андре́евич Громы́ко; Belarusian: Андрэ́й Андрэ́евіч Грамы́ка; 18 July [O.S. 5 July] 1909 – 2 July 1989)[2] was a Soviet Belarusian communist politician during the Cold War. He served as Minister of Foreign Affairs (1957–1985) and as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet (1985–1988). Gromyko was responsible for many top decisions on Soviet foreign policy until he retired in 1988. In the 1940s Western pundits called him Mr. Nyet ("Mr. No") or "Grim Grom", because of his frequent use of the Soviet veto in the United Nations Security Council.
Gromyko's political career started in 1939 with his employment at the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (renamed Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1946). He became the Soviet ambassador to the United States in 1943, leaving that position in 1946 to become the Soviet Permanent Representative to the United Nations. Upon his return to the Soviet Union he became a Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and later the First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs. He went on to become the Soviet ambassador to the United Kingdom in 1952.
During his tenure as Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Gromyko was directly involved in the Cuban Missile Crisis and helped broker a peace treaty ending the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War. Under Leonid Brezhnev's leadership, he played a central role in the establishment of detente with the United States through his negotiation of the ABM Treaty, the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and SALT I & II, among others. After Brezhnev suffered a stroke in 1975 impairing his ability to govern, Gromyko formed a troika with KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov and Defense Minister Dmitriy Ustinov that dominated Soviet policymaking during the final years of Brezhnev's regime. Henceforth, Gromyko's conservatism and pessimistic view of the West dictated Soviet diplomacy until the rise of Mikhail Gorbachev in 1985.
Following Gorbachev's election as General Secretary, Gromyko lost his office as foreign minister and was appointed to the largely ceremonial office of head of state. Subsequently, he retired from political life in 1988, and died the following year in Moscow.Contents1 Early life1.1 Background and youth1.2 Education and party membership1.3 Ambassador and World War II2 At the helm of Soviet foreign policy2.1 The United Nations2.2 Soviet ambassador to the United Kingdom2.3 Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union3 Head of state, retirement and death4 Legacy5 Decorations and awards6 References7 Further reading7.1 Primary sources8 External linksEarly lifeBackground and youthGromyko was born to a poor "semi-peasant, semi-worker" Belarusian family[3] in the Belarusian village of Staryya Gramyki, near Gomel on 18 July 1909. Gromyko's father, Andrei Matveyevich, worked as a seasonal worker in a local factory. Andrei Matveyevich was not a very educated man, having only attended four years of school, but knew how to read and write. He had fought in the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905.[4] Gromyko's mother, Olga Yevgenyevna, came from a poor peasant family in the neighbouring city of Zhelezniki. She attended school only for a short period of time as, when her father died, she left to help her mother with the harvest.[5]
Gromyko grew up near the district town of Vetka where most of the inhabitants were devoted Old Believers in the Russian Orthodox Church.[6] Gromyko's own village was also predominantly religious, but Gromyko started doubting the supernatural at a very early age. His first dialog on the subject was with his grandmother Marfa, who answered his inquiry about God with "Wait until you get older. Then you will understand all this much better". According to Gromyko, "Other adults said basically the same thing" when talking about religion. Gromyko's neighbour at the time, Mikhail Sjeljutov, was a freethinker and introduced Gromyko to new non-religious ideas[7] and told Gromyko that scientists were beginning to doubt the existence of God. From the age of nine, after the Bolshevik revolution, Gromyko started reading atheist propaganda in flyers and pamphlets.[8] At the age of thirteen Gromyko became a member of the Komsomol and held anti-religious speeches in the village with his friends as well as promoting Communist values.[9]
The news that Germany had attacked the Russian Empire in August 1914 came without warning to the local population. This was the first time, as Gromyko notes, that he felt "love for his country". His father, Andrei Matveyevich, was again conscripted into the Imperial Russian Army and would serve for three years on the southwestern front, under the leadership of General Aleksei Brusilov. Andrei Matveyevich returned home on the eve of the 1917 October Revolution in Russia.[10]
Gromyko was elected First Secretary of the local Komsomol chapter at the beginning of 1923.[11] Following Vladimir Lenin's death in 1924, the villagers asked Gromyko what would happen in the leader's absence. Gromyko remembered a communist slogan from the heyday of the October Revolution: "The revolution was carried through by Lenin and his helpers." He then told the villagers that Lenin was dead but "his aides, the Party, still lived on."[12]
Education and party membershipWhen he was young Gromyko's mother Olga told him that he should leave his home town to become an educated man.[13] Gromyko followed his mother's advice and, after finishing seven years of primary school and vocational education in Gomel, he moved to Borisov to attend technical school. Gromyko became a member of the All-Union Communist Party Bolsheviks in 1931, something he had dreamed of since he learned about the "difference between a poor farmer and a landowner, a worker and a capitalist". Gromyko was voted in as secretary of his party cell at his first party conference and would use most of his weekends doing volunteer work.[12] Gromyko received a very small stipend to live on, but still had a strong nostalgia for the days when he worked as a volunteer. It was about this time that Gromyko met his future wife, Lydia Dmitrievna Grinevich. Grinevich was the daughter of a Belarusian peasant family and came from Kamenki, a small village to the west of Minsk.[14] She and Gromyko would have two children, Anatoly and Emiliya.[15]
After studying in Borisov for two years Gromyko was appointed principal of a secondary school in Dzerzhinsk, where he taught, supervised the school and continued his studies. One day a representative from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Byelorussia offered him an opportunity to do post-graduate work in Minsk.[16] Gromyko traveled to Minsk for an interview with the head of the university, I.M. Borisevich, who explained that a new post-graduate program had been formed for training in economics; Gromyko's record in education and social work made him a desirable candidate. Gromyko advised Borisevich that he would have difficulty living on a meager student stipend. Borisevich assured him that on finishing the program, his salary would be at the party's top pay grade – "a decent living wage". Gromyko accepted the offer, moving his family to Minsk in 1933. Gromyko and the other post-graduates were invited to an anniversary reception [17] at which, as recounted in Gromyko's Memoirs:
We were amazed to find ourselves treated as equals and placed at their table to enjoy what for us was a sumptuous feast. We realised then that not for nothing did the Soviet state treat its scientists well: evidently science and those who worked in it were highly regarded by the state.[18]
After that day of pleasantry, Gromyko for the first time in his life wanted to enter higher education, but without warning, Gromyko and his family were moved in 1934 to Moscow, settling in the northeastern Alexeyevsky District.[18] In 1936, after another three years of studying economics, Gromyko became a researcher and lecturer at the Soviet Academy of Sciences. His area of expertise was the US economy, and he published several books on the subject. Gromyko assumed his new job would be a permanent one, but in 1939 he was called upon by a Central Committee Commission which selected new personnel to work in diplomacy. (The Great Purge of 1938 opened many positions in the diplomatic corps.) Gromyko recognised such familiar faces as Vyacheslav Molotov and Georgy Malenkov. A couple of days later he was transferred from the Academy of Sciences to the diplomatic service.[19]
Ambassador and World War II
Andrei Gromyko (second from left) at Yalta in February 1945In early 1939, Gromyko started working for the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs in Moscow. Gromyko became the Head of the Department of Americas and because of his position Gromyko met with United States ambassador to the Soviet Union Lawrence Steinhardt. Gromyko believed Steinhardt to be "totally uninterested in creating good relations between the US and the USSR"[20] and that Steinhardt's predecessor Joseph Davies was more "colourful" and seemed "genuinely interested" in improving the relations between the two countries.[21] Davies received the Order of Lenin for his work in trying to improve diplomatic relations between the US and the USSR. After heading the Americas department for 6 months, Gromyko was called upon by Joseph Stalin. Stalin started the conversation by telling Gromyko that he would be sent to the Soviet embassy in the United States to become second-in-command. "The Soviet Union," Stalin said, "should maintain reasonable relations with such a powerful country like the United States, especially in light of the growing fascist threat". Vyacheslav Molotov contributed with some minor modifications but mostly agreed with what Stalin had said.[22] "How are your English skills improving?," Stalin asked, "Comrade Gromyko you should pay a visit or two to an American church and listen to their sermons. Priests usually speak correct English with good accents. Do you know that the Russian revolutionaries when they were abroad, always followed this practice to improve their skills in foreign languages?" Gromyko was quite amazed about what Stalin had just told him but he never visited an American church.[23]
Gromyko had never been abroad before and, to get to the United States, he had to travel via airplane through Romania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia to Genoa, Italy, where they boarded a ship to the United States.[24] He later wrote in his Memoirs that New York City was a good example on how humans, by the "means of wealth and technology are able to create something that is totally alien to our nature". He further noticed the New York working districts which, in his own opinion, were proof of the inhumanity of capitalism and of the system's greed.[25] Gromyko met and consulted with most of the senior officers of the United States government during his first days[26] and succeeded Maxim Litvinov as ambassador to the United States in 1943. In his Memoirs Gromyko wrote fondly of President Franklin D. Roosevelt[27] even though he believed him to be a representative of the bourgeoisie class.[28] During his time as ambassador, Gromyko met prominent personalities such as British actor Charlie Chaplin,[29] American actress Marilyn Monroe[30] and British economist John Maynard Keynes.[31]
Gromyko was a Soviet delegate to the Tehran, Dumbarton Oaks, Yalta and Potsdam conferences.[32] In 1943, the same year as the Tehran Conference, the USSR established diplomatic relations with Cuba and Gromyko was appointed the Soviet ambassador to Havana.[33] Gromyko claimed that the accusations brought against Roosevelt by American right-wingers, that he was a socialist sympathizer, were absurd.[34] While he started out as a member delegate Gromyko later became the head of the Soviet delegation to the San Francisco conference after Molotov's departure. When he later returned to Moscow to celebrate the Soviet victory in the Great Patriotic War, Stalin commended him saying a good diplomat was "worth two or three armies at the front".[35]
At the helm of Soviet foreign policyThe United NationsGromyko was appointed Permanent Representative of the Soviet Union to the United Nations (UN) in April 1946.[36] The USSR supported the election of the first Secretary-General of the United Nations, Trygve Lie, a former Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs. However, in the opinion of Gromyko, Lie became an active supporter of the "expansionist behaviour" of the United States and its "American aggressionist" policy. Because of this political stance, Gromyko believed Lie to be a poor Secretary-General.[37] Trygve's successor, Swede Dag Hammarskjöld also promoted what Gromyko saw as "anti-Soviet policies".[38] U Thant, the third Secretary-General, once told Gromyko that it was close to impossible to have an objective opinion of the USSR in the Secretariat of the United Nations because the majority of secretariat members were of American ethnicity or supporters of the United States.[39] Gromyko often used the Soviet veto power in the early days of the United Nations. So familiar was a Soviet veto in the early days of the UN that Gromyko became known as Mr Nyet, literally meaning "Mr No". During the first 10 years of the UN, the Soviet Union used its veto 79 times. In the same period, the Republic of China used the veto once, France twice and the others not at all.[40] On May 14, 1947, Gromyko advocated the one-state solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the two-state solution as the second best option in the case that "relations between the Jewish and Arab populations of Palestine... proved to be so bad that it would be impossible to reconcile them".[41]
Soviet ambassador to the United KingdomGromyko was appointed Soviet ambassador to the United Kingdom at a June 1952 meeting with Joseph Stalin in the Kremlin. Stalin paced back and forth as normal, telling Gromyko about the importance of his new office, and saying "The United Kingdom now has the opportunity to play a greater role in international politics. But it is not clear in which direction the British government with their great diplomatic experience will steer their efforts [...] This is why we need people who understand their way of thinking". Gromyko met with Winston Churchill in 1952 not to talk about current politics but nostalgically about World War II. Gromyko met Churchill again in 1953 to talk about their experiences during World War II before returning to Russia when he was appointed Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.[42]
Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union
L-R: Batsanov, Llewellyn Thompson, Gromyko and Dean Rusk in 1967 during the Glassboro Summit ConferenceAndrei Gromyko spent his initial days as Minister of Foreign Affairs solving problems between his ministry and the International Department (ID) of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) headed by Boris Ponomarev. Ponomarev advocated an expanded role for the ID in Soviet foreign relations; Gromyko flatly refused it. Valentin Falin, a top Soviet official, said the ID "interfered in the activities" of Gromyko and his ministry countless times. Gromyko disliked both Ponomarev and the power sharing between the ID and the foreign ministry.[43] In 1958 Mao Zedong tried to look for supporters within the Soviet leadership for his planned war with the Republic of China (Taiwan). He flabbergasted Gromyko by telling him that he was willing to sacrifice the lives of "300 million people" just for the sake of annexing the Republic of China into the People's Republic of China. Gromyko assured Mao that the proposal would never get the approval of the Soviet leadership. When the Soviet leadership learnt of this discussion they responded by terminating the Soviet-Chinese nuclear program and various industrialization projects in the People's Republic of China.[44] Years later during the Cuban Missile Crisis, Gromyko met John F. Kennedy, then President of the United States, while acting on the instruction of the Soviet leadership under Nikita Khrushchev. In his Memoirs, Gromyko wrote that Kennedy seemed out of touch when he first met him, and was more ideologically driven than practical. In a 1988 interview, he further described Kennedy as nervous and prone to making contradictory statements involving American intentions towards Cuba. During his twenty-eight years as Minister of Foreign Affairs Gromyko supported the policy of disarmament, stating in his Memoirs that "Disarmament is the ideal of Socialism".[45]Gromyko meeting with Jimmy Carter, the President of the United States, in 1978Throughout his career as Soviet Foreign Minister, Gromyko explicitly promoted the idea that no important international agreement could be reached without the Soviet Union's involvement.[46] One accomplishment he took particular pride in was the signing of the 1963 Partial Test Ban Treaty whose negotiation could be traced back to 1958. Additionally, in 1966, Gromyko and Alexei Kosygin persuaded both Pakistan and India to sign the Tashkent Declaration, a peace treaty in the aftermath of the Indo-Pakistan war of 1965. Later in the same year, he engaged in a dialog with Pope Paul VI, as part of the pontiff's ostpolitik that resulted in greater openness for the Roman Catholic Church in Eastern Europe[47] although there was still heavy persecution of Christians in the Soviet Union.[48] Gromyko also prided himself on the signing of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons on 1 July 1968, the 1972 ABM and SALT I treaties, and the Agreement on the Prevention of Nuclear War in 1973.
After joining the Politburo in 1973 during Leonid Brezhnev's rule, Gromyko steadily consolidated his position in the party hierarchy to become the Soviet Union's chief foreign policy strategist.[49] Upon reaching the peak of his power and influence, Gromyko's approach to diplomacy began to suffer from the same qualities that underpinned his early career. His exceptional memory and confidence in his experience now made him inflexible, unimaginative and devoid of a long-term vision for his country.[50] By the time Andropov and Chernenko rose to the Soviet leadership, Gromyko frequently found himself advocating a harder line than his superiors.[50]Andrei Gromyko speaking at the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, in 1984As Brezhnev grew increasingly incapable of governing following a stroke in 1975, Gromyko formed a de facto troika with KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov and Defense Minister Dmitry Ustinov that became the driving force behind Soviet policymaking.[51] After Brezhnev's death in 1982, Andropov was voted in as General Secretary by the Politburo. Immediately after his appointment Andropov asked Gromyko if he wanted to take over Brezhnev's old office of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet. Gromyko turned down Andropov's offer, believing that Andropov would eventually take the office for himself.[52]
After Chernenko's death in 1985, Gromyko nominated Mikhail Gorbachev for the General Secretary on 11 March 1985. In supporting Gorbachev, Gromyko knew that the influence he carried would be strong.[53] After being voted in Gorbachev relieved Gromyko of his duty as foreign minister and replaced him with Eduard Shevardnadze and Gromyko was appointed to the largely honorary position of Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.[54]
Head of state, retirement and death
A Belarusian stamp from 2009 depicting GromykoGromyko held the office of the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, literally head of state, which was largely ceremonial, and his influence in ruling circles diminished. A number of First World journalists believed Gromyko was uncomfortable with many of Gorbachev's reforms,[55] however, in his Memoirs Gromyko wrote fondly of Gorbachev and the policy of perestroika. Gromyko believed that perestroika was about working for the construction of a socialist society[56] and saw glasnost and perestroika as an attempt at making the USSR more democratic.[57]
During a party conference in July 1988 Vladimir Melnikov called for Gromyko's resignation. Melnikov blamed Brezhnev for the economic and political stagnation that had hit the Soviet Union and, seeing that Gromyko, as a prominent member of the Brezhnev leadership, was one of the men which had led the USSR into the crisis.[58] Gromyko was promptly defended as "a man respected by the people" in a note by an anonymous delegate.[59] After discussing it with his wife Gromyko decided to leave Soviet politics for good. Gromyko recounts in his Memoirs that he told Gorbachev that he wished to resign before he made it official. The following day, 1 October 1988, Gromyko sat beside Gorbachev, Yegor Ligachev and Nikolai Ryzhkov in the Supreme Soviet to make his resignation official:[60]
Such moments in life are just as memorable as when one is appointed to prominent positions. When my comrades took farewell to me, I was equally moved as I had ever been when I was given an important office. What I thought most about was that I had finished my duties towards the people, the Party and the state. This memory is very precious to me.
Gorbachev succeeded Gromyko in office as Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.[61] After his resignation Gorbachev praised Gromyko for his half-century of service to USSR. Critics, such as Alexander Belonogov, the Permanent Representative of the Soviet Union to the United Nations, claimed Gromyko's foreign policy was permeated with "a spirit of intolerance and confrontation".[62]
After retiring from active politics in 1989 Gromyko started working on his memoirs.[63] Gromyko died on 2 July 1989, days before what would have been his 80th birthday, after being hospitalised for a vascular problem that was not further identified. His death was followed by a minute of silence at the Congress of People's Deputies to commemorate him. The Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union (TASS), the central news organ in the USSR, called him one of the country's most "prominent leaders". President of the United States George H. W. Bush sent his condolences to Gromyko's son, Anatoly.[64] Gromyko was offered a grave in the Kremlin Wall Necropolis, but at the request of his family he was not buried near the Kremlin wall but instead at the Novodevichy cemetery.[63][65]
LegacyHaving been a person of considerable stature during his life Gromyko held an unusual combination of personal characteristics. Some were impressed by his diplomatic skills, while others called Gromyko mundane and boring.[66] An article written in 1981 in The Times said, "He is one of the most active and efficient members of the Soviet leadership. A man with an excellent memory, a keen intellect and extraordinary endurance [...] Maybe Andrey is the most informed Minister for Foreign affairs in the world".[63] Gromyko's dour demeanour was shown clearly during his first term in Washington and echoed throughout his tenure as Soviet foreign minister. Ambassador Charles W. Yost, who worked with Gromyko at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, the UN founding conference, and at the United Nations, recalled that the "humorless" Soviet ambassador "looked as though he was sucking a lemon."[67] There is a story that Gromyko was leaving a Washington hotel one morning and was asked by a reporter; "Minister Gromyko, did you enjoy your breakfast today?" His response was "Perhaps."[68]
During his twenty-eight years as minister of foreign affairs Gromyko became the "number-one" on international diplomacy at home,[69] renowned by his peers to be consumed by his work. Henry Kissinger once said "If you can face Gromyko for one hour and survive, then you can begin to call yourself a diplomat". Gromyko's work influenced Soviet and Russian ambassadors such as Anatoly Dobrynin. Mash Lewis and Gregory Elliott described Gromyko's main characteristic as his "complete identification with the interest of the state and his faithful service to it". According to historians Gregory Elliot and Moshe Lewin this could help explain his so-called "boring" personality and the mastery of his own ego.[70] West German politician Egon Bahr, when commenting on Gromyko's memoirs, said;[70]
He has concealed a veritable treasure-trove from future generations and taken to the grave with him an inestimable knowledge of international connection between the historical events and major figures of his time, which only he could offer. What a pity that this very man proved incapable to the very end of evoking his experience. As a faithful servant of the state, he believed that he should restrict himself to a sober, concise presentation of the bare essentials.[71]
On 18 July 2009, Belarus marked the 100th anniversary of Gromyko's birth with nationwide celebrations. In the city of his birth many people laid flowers in front of his bust. A ceremony was held attended by his son and daughter, Anatoly and Emiliya. Several exhibitions were opened and dedicated to his honour and a school and a street in Gomel were renamed in honour of him.[72][73]
Decorations and awardsTwice Hero of Socialist Labour (1969, 1979)Seven Orders of Lenin (incl 1945)Order of the Red Banner (9 November 1948)Order of the Badge of HonourLenin Prize (1982)State Prize of the USSR (1984) – for the monograph "The external expansion capital: Past and Present" (1982)Jubilee Medal "In Commemoration of the 100th Anniversary since the Birth of Vladimir Il'ich Lenin"Grand Cross of the Order of the Sun (Peru)Order of the Sun of Freedom (Afghanistan)
Andrei Gromyko, the son of peasants, was born near Minsk in Russia in 1909. After studying agriculture and economics he became a research scientist at the Soviet Academy of Science. He later joined the diplomatic service and went to Washington during the Second World War.
In 1943 Gromyko was appointed as the Soviet ambassador in the United States. In this post he attended the conferences in Teheran, Yalta and Potsdam. After the war he was made the Soviet permanent delegate to the United Nations. He also served as ambassador to Britain (1952-53).
Gromyko became Foreign Minister in 1957. He held the post for 28 years and during this period was the main Soviet negotiator with the United States government.
George Brown met Gromyko when he was serving as the British foreign secretary (1966-68): "Gromyko was no politician and I always thought really just another exceedingly able party official. He, of course, did know the outside world and did not mind letting his sense of humour show or letting his hair down on occasion. His capacity to discuss and argue was to me very impressive, but, again, getting much out of him was a very tough business indeed and in my time certainly never happened again without the interval and the obvious line-clearing elsewhere. While I was at the Foreign Office it seemed to me that Gromyko was growing in importance. His influence seemed to be becoming stronger and he probably was playing a much bigger role than before in the apparatus by which decisions were made, and was becoming much less simply the machine for carrying them out."
Mikhail Gorbachev appointed Gromyko President of the Soviet Union in 1987. Andrei Gromyko died two years later, at the age of 80.
NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION
Presidential Libraries Withdrawal Sheet
WITHDRAWAL ID 013449REASON FOR WITHDRAWALTYPE OF MATERIAL . . .TITLEDESCRIPTIONCREATION DATEVOLUME .COLLECTION/SERIES/FOLDER IDCOLLECTION TITLEBOX NUMBERFOLDER TITLEDATE WITHDRAWNWITHDRAWING ARCHIVISTNational security restrictionBiographyAndrey Andreyevich GromykoMember, Politburo, CPSU CentralCommittee; Minister of Foreign Affairs05/31/19745 pages032500292NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER. PRESIDENTIALCOUNTRY FILES FOR EUROPE AND CANADA16USSR (2)08/06/2001GGLfln/o5~L 3/15108'Scanned from the NSA Presidential Country Files for Europe and Canada (Box 16 - USSR (2)) at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Librarya• Andrey Andreyevich GROMYKO(phonetic: gruhMIKuh)Member, politburo,CPSU central Committee; Ministerof Foreign AffairsAddressed as:Mr. Minister .\ ''"",;;'USSR. "'- ::-,' - :'\ , . .. . • ' Andrey Gromyko,manager of one of th~'world's largest Foreign service bureaucracies, is the mostsenior diplomatic leader among the majorpowers. Appointed in 1957, he is the firstSoviet Foreign Minister to have receive'd all ofhis,dip19matic training under the communistregime. During his rise to the top of his profession, he has held some of his government'sroost demanding foreign posts: Ambassador to theunited States, Ambassador to Great 'Britain and Pe~anent Representative to tlie united Nations.To the politburoIBis ability and diligence were rewardedL1-n-~--lP-r~il~l~9~73, when he became ,the 'fifth soviet . Foreign Minister--and the first career diplomat-to be elected to the ruling Politburo of the Communist party of the soviet union (CPSU) .. Theearlier Foreign Ministers on that body (Leon Trotskiy, .Vyacheslav Molotov, Audrey vyshinskiy and Dmitriy Shepilov) were either old Bolsheviksor party bureaucrats.The full significance of Gromyko·s appointmentas it relates to a political realignment in theKremlin.is still not apparent. The most immediateOICLASS!flED· E,Q. 12958 SEC. 3.1 .wmt POi1TV'[':: C'f"v",,,::r ..' fI---------'-------~~----.:..:---~E.O. '! Z5~: S~~--------.'
reason for the promotion, however, probably was
an increased recognition among Politburo members
of the importance of foreign policy and the ex
tent to which it impinges on domestic affairs.
Groroyko's new position gives him greater poli
tical weight and prestige in the conduct of
soviet affairs abroad.
A Peasant Becomas
an Economist
Born on 18 July 1909 in a rural districtnear Gomel', Belorussian SSR, Andrey AndreyevichGromyko rose from obscurity because of his. abilityto· absorb the education that was available underthe new Soviet regime. The son of semiliteratepeasants, he began his studies at an agricultural sc.iool in Gomel l , went on to the Borisov Pedagogical Institute, and then attended the MinskInstitute of Agricultu.ral Science.. Gromyko then went to Moscow to con:tinue hiseducation." He studied at the Institute of Economics and was awarded a candidate of economicsciences degree in 1936; by which time he was also secre~ary of ~he editorial board of the USSR'snational economic journal, Voprosy Ekonomiki . (Problems of Economics). He served as a senior'instructor at the Institute of Economics from1936 to 1939. Gromyko apparently never lost hisinterest in economics. Two decades later, betweenthe Foreign Service assignments of his new career,he earned a doctorate of economic sciences.The Economist Becomes
an Instant Diplomat
In 1939 Gromyko joined the Foreign Service,became chief of the American Countries Divisionof the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs,and was assigned to ~'1ashingtonas Counselor of . .the Soviet Embassy_ He had never been abroadbefore and spoke no English/ but 4 years later,at the age of 34, he succeeded 11aksim Litvinov asAmbassador to the United States•. - 2 ...--. { , . ~ .'""'..;.'..•• In 1946 Gromyko was appointed a Deputy ForeignMinister and the Permanent Representative to theUnited Nations, where he gained international notoriety through his frequent vetoes and IIwa~kouts"in support of the USSR's policies. During the1946-49 period he attended most of the importantconferences of the time, including those held atYalta, Dumbarton Oaks, San Francisco, London,Berlin and Geneva.In 1949 Grornyko was recalled to Moscow andappointed First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.He held that position until 1957, with the excep tion of a period from 1952 to 1953, when he servedas Ambassador to the: United Kingdom. I I { IGromyko I s assignment toLondon was not a setback for him personally butwas part of an effort by the USSR to strengthenrelations with the United Kingdom while weakeningBritish ties with the Uni ted States. At any rate,Moscow did not name a replacement for Gromyko as . First Deputy Foreign Minister in. 1952, and heresumed ·that post when he returned in 1953.As Foreign MinisterAs a major spokesman on Soviet foreign policy·since becoming Foreign Minister in 1957 1 Gromykohas led an extremely a9tive professional life. Hehas participated in numerous international conferences and bilateral negotiations, and he has headedthe.Soviet delegation to the UN General Assemblyevery year since 1962. He accompanied Khrushchev.and later Kosygin and Brezhnev on almost all oftheir. visits abroad. Grornyko headed the Soviet·delegation during the tripartite talks leading tothe signing in August 1963 of a nuclear test banagreement. In Aprii i965 he. visited Paris, paving the way for closer Franco-Soviet relations.In 1969, in a speech given before .the USSR Supremesoviet, he was the first high-level soviet official to call for closer US-USSR relations. Hetook part in negotiating the Indo-soviet Friendship Treaty in 1971, and in 1972 he came to theunited States to sign the ABM Treaty.3 , '. .. ',-------I___I·#_ Gromyko participated in President'Nixon's talks,with Brezhnev in Moscow in May 1972 and in th'eUnited States in July 1973. He met with PresidentNixon and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger inWashington in February 1974 and had subsequent meetings with the Secretary in Moscow (March), Washington(March), Geneva (April), and Nicosia and Damascus (M~y).Personal Life~~~~,,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~e 1S a skilled negot1ator an a master 0 partary tactics. He has a prodigious capacity forwork, puttin in strenu~us 6-day weeks for long , rifles. He speaks fluent French and Englisharid uses American idiomatic expressions w.ith ease.Family,Gromyko is married. His wife,LidiOroitriyevnOne of the est trave eW1ves 1n e soviet leadership group, Mrs. Gromyko is,at ease among foreigners. She speaks excellentEnglish. ' Formerly a teacher, she now is primarilyoccupied with her grandchildren. She is well-readin politics and literature and is parti~larlyinterest'ed in painting.The Gromykos have 'a son and a daugblber. Theirson, Anatol!y, studied in the United States andserved at one time as a section chief at theInstitute of the USA in Moscow. He cuzxently is- 4 -", ...11...----___'
0 ·'.. ' ,I- .... a iviinister Counselor of the Soviet Embapsy inWashington. Anatoliy has been married brice andhas t~o sons--one, born in about 1959, by hisfirst ~ife, and another, born· in about 1967, byhis present wife. The Gromykos' daughter, Mi1ya,is married to Aleksandr S. Piradov, a Foreign . Ministry legal expert who is t~e Soviet PermanentRepresentative to UNESCO.. 31 May 1974 . ~..- 5
Statement by A. A. Gromyko (4 July 1950)The events now taking place in Korea broke out on June 25 as the result of a provocative attack by thetroops of the South Korean authorities on the frontier areas of the Korean People’s Democratic Republic.This attack was the outcome of a premeditated plan.From time to time Syngman Rhee himself and other representatives of the South Korean authorities hadblurted out the fact that the South Korean Syngman Rhee clique had such a plan.As long ago as October 7, 1949, Syngman Rhee, boasting of success in training his army, stated outright, inan interview given to an American United Press correspondent, that the South Korean Army could capturePyongyang in the course of three days. On October 31, 1949, Sin Sen Mo, Defence Minister of the SyngmanRhee Government, also told newspaper correspondents that the South Korean troops were strong enough toact and take Pyongyang within a few days.Only one week before the provocative attack of the South Korean troops on the frontier areas of the KoreanPeople’s Democratic Republic, Syngman Rhee said, in a speech on June 19 in the so-called “NationalAssembly” where Mr. Dulles, adviser to the U.S. State Department, was present: “If we cannot protectdemocracy in the cold war, we shall win in a hot war.”It is not difficult to understand that representatives of the South Korean authorities could only make suchstatements because they felt that they had American support behind them. One month before the presentdevelopments in Korea, on May 19, 1950, Mr. Johnson, chief American administrator of aid to Korea, toldthe American Congress House of Representatives’ Appropriations Committee that 100,000 officers and menof the South Korean Army, equipped with American weapons and trained by the American MilitaryMission, had completed their preparations and could begin war at any time.It is known that only a few days before the Korean events, the United States Defence Secretary,Mr. Johnson, the Chief of the General Staff of the United States Armed Forces, General Bradley, and theState Department adviser, Mr. Dulles, arrived in Japan and had special conferences with GeneralMacArthur, and that afterwards Mr. Dulles visited South Korea and went to frontier areas on the38th parallel.Only one week before the events — on June 19 — Mr. Dulles, adviser to the State Department, declared inthe above-mentioned “National Assembly” of South Korea that the United States was ready to give allnecessary moral and material support to South Korea which was fighting against Communism.These facts speak for themselves and need no comment.The very first days showed, however, that events were not developing in favour of the South Koreanauthorities. The Korean People’s Democratic Republic gained a number of successes in the struggle againstthe South Korean troops, which are directed by American military advisers.When it became clear that the terrorist regime of the Syngman Rhee clique, which had never enjoyed thesupport of the Korean people, was collapsing, the United States Government resorted to open intervention inKorea, ordering its air, naval and subsequently its ground forces to side with the South Korean authoritiesagainst the Korean people. Thereby the United States Government went over from a policy of preparingaggression to outright acts of aggression and embarked on a course of open intervention in Korea’s domesticaffairs, on a course of armed intervention in Korea. Having taken this course, the United States Governmentviolated peace, demonstrating thereby that far from seeking to consolidate peace, it is on the contrary anenemy of peace.The facts show that the United States Government is only disclosing its aggressive plans in Korea step bystep. First it declared that the United States intervention in Korean affairs would be confined to the shipmentof war and other materials only. Then it was announced that air and naval forces, but without ground troops,2 / 6 03/07/2015would also be sent. Following this, it was stated also that United States ground forces would be sent toKorea.It is also known that at first the United States Government declared that American armed forces would takepart in operations in South Korean territory only. Hardly had a few days passed, however, when theAmerican air force transferred its operations to North Korean territory and attacked Pyongyang and othercities.All this goes to show that the United States Government is drawing the United States more and more intowar, but, compelled to reckon with the unwillingness of the American people to be involved in a newmilitary adventure, it is gradually impelling the country step by step towards open war.The United States Government tries to justify armed intervention against Korea by alleging that it wasundertaken on the authorisation of the Security Council. The falsity of such an allegation strikes the eye.What really happened?It is known that the United States Government had started armed intervention in Korea before the SecurityCouncil was summoned to meet on June 27, without taking into consideration what decision the SecurityCouncil might take. Thus the United States Government confronted the United Nations Organisation with afait accompli, with a violation of peace.The Security Council merely rubber-stamped and back-dated the resolution proposed by the United StatesGovernment, approving the aggressive actions which this Government had undertaken. Furthermore, theAmerican resolution was adopted by the Security Council with a gross violation of the Charter of the UnitedNations Organisation.In accordance with Article 27 of the United Nations Charter all Security Council decisions on major issuesmust be adopted by an affirmative vote of not less than seven members, including the votes of all the fivepermanent members of the Security Council, i.e., of the Soviet Union, China, the United States, GreatBritain and France.However, the American resolution approving the United States armed intervention in Korea was adopted byonly six votes — those of the United States, Britain, France, Norway, Cuba and Ecuador. The vote of thekuomintangite Tsiang Ting-fu, who unlawfully occupies China’s seat on the Security Council, was countedas the seventh vote for this resolution.Furthermore, of the five permanent members of the Council only three — the United States, Britain andFrance — were present at the Security Council’s meeting on June 27. Two other permanent members of theSecurity Council — the U.S.S.R. and China — were not present at the Council meeting, since the hostileattitude of the United States Government towards the Chinese people deprives China of the opportunity ofhaving her legitimate representative on the Security Council, and this made impossible the Soviet Union’sparticipation in the meetings of the Security Council.Thus neither of these two requirements of the United Nations Charter with regard to the Security Council’sprocedure for taking decisions were fulfilled at the Council’s session on June 27, which deprives theresolution adopted at that session of any legal force.It is also known that the United Nations Charter envisages the intervention of the Security Council only inthose cases where the matter concerns events of an international order and not of an internal character.Moreover, the Charter directly foroffers the intervention of the United Nations Organisation in the internalaffairs of any state when it is a matter of an internal conflict between two groups of one state. Thus theSecurity Council by its decision of June 27 violated also this most important principle of the United NationsOrganisation.3 / 6 03/07/2015It follows from the aforesaid that this resolution, which the U.S. Government is using as a cover for itsarmed intervention in Korea, was illegally put through the Security Council with a gross violation of theCharter of the United Nations Organisation. This only became possible because the gross pressure of theUnited States Government on the members of the Security Council converted the United NationsOrganisation into a kind of branch of the U.S. State Department, into an obedient tool of the policy ofAmerican ruling circles who acted as violators of peace.The illegal resolution of June 27, adopted by the Security Council under pressure from the United StatesGovernment, shows that the Security Council is acting, not as a body which is charged with the mainresponsibility for the maintenance of peace, but as a tool utilised by the ruling circles of the United States forunleashing war.This resolution of the Security Council constitutes a hostile act against peace.If the Security Council valued the cause of peace, it should have attempted to reconcile the fighting sides inKorea before it adopted such a scandalous resolution. Only the Security Council and the United NationsSecretary-General could have done this. However, they did not make such an attempt, evidently knowingthat such peaceful action contradicts the aggressor’s plans.It is impossible not to note the unseemly role played in that whole affair by the United Nations SecretaryGeneral, Mr. Trygve Lie. Being under the obligation, by virtue of his position, to observe the exactfulfilment of the United Nations Charter, the Secretary-General, during discussion of the Korean problem inthe Security Council, far from fulfilling his direct duties, on the contrary obsequiously helped a grossviolation of the Charter to be committed by the Government of the United States and other Security Councilmembers. Thereby the Secretary-General showed that he is concerned not so much with strengthening theUnited Nations Organisation and with promoting peace, as with how to help the United States’ ruling circlesto carry out their aggressive plans with regard to Korea.At a press conference on June 29, President Truman denied that the United States, having launchedhostilities in Korea, was in a state of war. He announced that this was only “police action” in support of theUnited Nations Organisation and alleged that this action was aimed against a “group of bandits” from NorthKorea.It is not difficult to understand the untenability of such an allegation.It has long been known that, in undertaking aggressive actions, an aggressor usually resorts to this or thatmethod of camouflaging his actions.Everyone remembers that when, in the summer of 1937, militarist Japan started armed intervention in NorthChina with the campaign on Peking, it announced that this was solely a local “incident” for the sake ofmaintaining peace in the East, although no one believed this. The military operations which GeneralMacArthur has now undertaken in Korea upon the instructions of the United States Government can beregarded as “police action” in support of the United Nations Organisation to just the same extent as the warstarted by the Japanese militarists against China in 1937 could be regarded as a local “incident” formaintaining peace in the East.As is known, the operations of the United States armed forces in Korea are commanded, not by some policeofficer, but by General MacArthur. However, it would be absurd to admit that the Commander-in-Chief ofthe United States Armed Forces in Japan, General MacArthur, is directing, not military operations, but somesort of “police action” in Korea. Who will believe that MacArthur’s armed forces, including militaryaviation, down to “Flying Fortresses” and jet planes, which attack the civilian population and the peacefulcities of Korea, the navy, including cruisers and aircraft carriers, as well as ground forces, were needed for a“police action” against a “group of bandits.”This is something that even quite naïve persons will hardly believe.4 / 6 03/07/2015It will not be superfluous to recall in this connection that when the People’s Liberation Army of China wasfighting against Chiang Kai-shek’s armies, which were equipped with American military technique, certainpeople also called it “groups of bandits”. What the reality turned out to be, however, is something wellknown to all. It turned out that those who were called “groups of bandits” not only expressed thefundamental national interests of China, but also constituted the Chinese people. Those whom the rulingcircles of the United States thrust upon China as a Government turned out to be in reality a handful ofbankrupt adventurers and bandits who traded the national honour and independence of China right and left.What are the real aims of American armed intervention in Korea?Evidently, the point is that the aggressive circles of the United States violated peace in order to lay hands,not only on the South, but also on North Korea. The invasion of Korea by American armed forcesconstitutes open war against the Korean people. Its goal is to deprive Korea of her national independence, toprevent the formation of a united democratic Korean State and forcibly to establish in Korea an anti-popularregime which would allow the ruling circles of the United States to convert the country into their colony anduse Korean territory as a military and strategic springboard in the Far East.In ordering the United States armed forces to attack Korea, President Truman at the same time stated that hehad ordered the American Navy “to prevent any attack on Formosa”, which means the occupation byAmerican armed forces of this part of China’s territory.This move of the United States Government constitutes outright aggression against China.This move of the United States Government furthermore constitutes a gross violation of the Cairo andPotsdam International Agreements concerning Formosa being Chinese territory, agreements which bear thesignature of the United States Government too, and is also a violation of the statement made by PresidentTruman on January 5 of this year to the effect that the Americans would not intervene in the affairs ofFormosa.President Truman also stated that he had instructed American armed forces to be increased in thePhilippines, which aims at intervention in the domestic affairs of the Philippine state and at kindling aninternal struggle. This act of the American Government shows that it continues to regard the Philippines asits colony and not as an independent state, which, furthermore, is a member of the United NationsOrganisation.President Truman stated in addition that he had issued an instruction that so-called “military assistance” toFrance in Indo-China be accelerated. This statement of President Truman shows that the United StatesGovernment has embarked on a course of kindling war against the people of Viet Nam for the sake ofsupporting the colonial regime in Indo-China, thereby demonstrating that it is assuming the role of gendarmeof the peoples of Asia.Thus President Truman’s statement of June 27 means that the United States Government has violated peaceand has gone over from a policy of preparing aggression to direct acts of aggression simultaneously in awhole number of countries in Asia. Thereby the United States Government has trampled underfoot itsobligations to the United Nations in promoting peace the world over and has acted as a violator of peace.There is a small number of historical examples of cases where, by means of intervention from without, theattempt was made to throttle the struggle waged by the peoples for national unity and for democratic rights.In this connection one could recall the war between the Northern and Southern States of North America inthe sixties of the last century. At that time the Northern States, headed by Abraham Lincoln, waged anarmed struggle against the slave-owners of the South for the abolition of slavery and for the preservation ofthe national unity of the country. When attacked by the South, the armed forces of the Northern States didnot, as is known, limit themselves to defence of their own territory, but transferred military operations to the5 / 6 03/07/2015territory of the Southern States, routed the troops of the planters and slave-owners, who did not enjoy thesupport of the people, smashed the slave-owning system existing in the South and created the conditions forestablishing national unity.It is known that at that time certain governments, as for instance the British Government, also intervened inthe internal affairs of North America in favour of the South against the North and against national unity.Despite this, victory was won by the American people as personified by those progressive forces whichheaded the struggle of the North against the South.It will not be amiss to recall also another lesson of history.In the period after the October Revolution in Russia, when the reactionary tsarist generals, having dugthemselves in on the outskirts of Russia, rent Russia asunder, the Government of the United states, togetherwith the Governments of Britain, France and certain other States, intervened in the domestic affairs of theSoviet country and came out on the side of the reactionary tsarist generals in order to prevent the unificationof our Motherland under the aegis of the Soviet Government. The United States Government also did notshrink from armed intervention, sending its troops to the Soviet Far East and to the Archangel area. Togetherwith the troops of certain other countries, the American troops actively helped the Russian tsarist generals— Kolchak, Denikin, Yudenich and others — in their struggle against the Soviet power, shot Russianworkers and peasants and plundered the population.As we see, in this case too, the ruling circles of certain foreign states, violating peace, tried by armedintervention to turn back the wheel of history, tried forcibly to impose on the people the much-hated regimethey had overthrown and tried to prevent the unification of our country into a single state.It is universally known how this interventionist adventure ended.It is useful to recall these historical examples because the events now taking place in Korea and certain othercountries of Asia, and the aggressive policy of the United States as regards these countries, are in manyrespects reminiscent of the above-mentioned events from the history of the United States and Russia.The Soviet Government has already expressed its attitude towards the policy which is being pursued by theUnited States Government, a policy of gross intervention in the domestic affairs of Korea, in its reply ofJune 29 to the statement of the United States Government, dated June 27.The Soviet Government invariably adheres to a policy of strengthening peace the world over and to itstraditional principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of other states.The Soviet Government holds that the Koreans have the same right to arrange at their own discretion theirinternal national affairs in the sphere of uniting South and North Korea into a single national state as theNorth Americans had in the sixties of the last century when they united the South and the North of Americainto a single national state.From the aforesaid it follows that the Government of the United States of America has committed a hostileact against peace and that it bears the responsibility for the consequences of the armed aggressions it hasundertaken.The United Nations Organisation will fulfil its duties of maintaining peace only in the event that the SecurityCouncil demands the unconditional cessation of American military intervention and the immediatewithdrawal of American armed forces from Korea.
Address by the Soviet Representative (Andrei Gromyko)to the United Nations Atomic Energy CommissionJune 19, 1946Address delivered at the second meeting of the Commission*The Atomic Energy Commission created in accordance with the resolution of the MoscowConference of the Foreign Ministers of the Three Powers1 and with the resolution of thefirst session of the General Assembly,2 must proceed to the practical realization of the tasksset before it. The significance of these tasks and, consequently, of the activities of theCommission, is determined by the importance of the very discovery of methods of usingatomic energy, which led to the creation of this Commission. Scientific efforts haveproduced a result, the significance of which is hard to appraise. That which is alreadyknown regarding the significance of this discovery and which, undoubtedly, is merely thepreliminary to still greater conquests of science in this field in the future, emphasizes howimportant are the tasks and activities of the Commission.As the result of the definite course of events during the last few years the circumstanceswere combined in such a way that one of the greatest discoveries of mankind found its firstmaterial application in the form of a particular weapon -- the atomic bomb. However,although up to the present time this use of atomic energy is the only known form of itspractical application, it is the general opinion that humanity stands at the threshold of awide application of atomic energy for peaceful purposes for the benefit of the peoples, forpromoting their welfare and raising their standard of living and for the development ofscience and culture.There are thus two possible ways in which this discovery can be used. One way is to use itfor the purpose of producing the means of mass destruction. The other way is to use it forthe benefit of mankind.The paradox of the situation lies in the fact that it is the first way that has been morestudied and more effectively mastered in practice. The second way has been less studiedand effectively mastered in practice. However, this circumstance not only does notdiminish the importance of the tasks that lie before the Atomic Commission but, on thecontrary, emphasizes to an even greater degree the significance of these tasks for all thatconcerns the strengthening of peace between the nations.
* Reproduced from Documents on Disarmament 1945-1959, Volume 1 1945-1956, Department of State,Washington D.C. 1960, pp. 17-24.1 Moscow Communique by the Foreign Ministers of the United States, the United Kingdom, and the SovietUnion, December 27, 1945.2 General Assembly Resolution 1 (1): Establishment of a Commission to Deal with the Problems Raised by theDiscovery of Atomic Energy, January 24, 1946.2There can be no active and effective system of peace if the discovery of the means of usingatomic energy is not placed in the service of humanity and is not applied to peacefulpurposes only. The use of this discovery only for the purpose of promoting the welfare ofthe peoples and widening their scientific and cultural horizons will help to strengthenconfidence between the countries and friendly relations between them.On the other hand, to continue the use of this discovery for the production of weapons ofmass destruction is likely to intensify mistrust between States and to keep the peoples ofthe world in a continual anxiety and uncertainty. Such a position is contrary to theaspirations of the peace-loving peoples, who long for the establishment of enduring peaceand are making every effort in order that these aspirations may be transformed into reality.As one of the primary measures for the fulfilment of the resolution of the General Assemblyof 24 January 1946, the Soviet delegation proposes that consideration be given to thequestion of concluding an international convention prohibiting the production andemployment of weapons based on the use of atomic energy for the purpose of massdestruction. The object of such a convention should be the prohibition of the productionand employment of atomic weapons, the destruction of existing stocks of atomic weaponsand the condemnation of all activities undertaken in violation of this convention. Theelaboration and conclusion of a convention of this kind would be, in the opinion of theSoviet delegation, only one of the primary measures to be taken to prevent the use ofatomic energy to the detriment of mankind. This act should be followed by other measuresaiming at the establishment of methods to ensure the strict observance of the terms andobligations contained in the above-mentioned convention, the establishment of a system ofcontrol over the observance of the convention and the taking of decisions regarding thesanctions to be applied against the unlawful use of atomic energy. The public opinion ofthe whole civilized world has already rightly condemned the use in warfare ofasphyxiating, poisonous and other similar gases, as well as all similar liquids andsubstances, and likewise bacteriological means, by concluding corresponding agreementsfor the prohibition of their use.3In view of this, the necessity of concluding a convention prohibiting the production andemployment of atomic weapons is even more obvious. Such a convention wouldcorrespond in an even greater degree to the aspirations of the peoples of the whole world.The conclusion of such a convention and the elaboration of a system of measures providingfor the strict fulfillment of its terms, the establishment of control over the observance of theobligations imposed by the convention, and the establishment of sanctions to be appliedagainst violators of the convention will, in the opinion of the Soviet delegation, be a seriousstep forward on the way towards the fulfillment of the tasks that lie before the Atomic3 See Geneva Protocol of June 17, 1925 (League of Nations Treaty Series [hereafter cited as LNTS], vol. 94, p.65; Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, Subcommittee on Disarmament, Disarmament and Security: ACollection of Documents, 1919-55 (Committee print, 84th Cong., 2d sess.), pp. 169-170).3Energy Commission, and fully corresponds to the aspirations and conscience of the wholeof progressive humanity.The necessity for the States to assume the obligation not to produce or employ atomicweapons is also dictated by the fact that the character of this weapon is such that itsemployment brings untold misery above all to the peaceful population. The results of itsemployment are incompatible with the generally accepted standards and ideas riveted inthe consciousness of humanity in the course of many centuries to the effect that the rules ofwarfare must not allow the extermination of innocent civilian populations.The situation existing at the present time, which has been brought about by the discoveryof the means of applying atomic energy and using them for the production of atomicweapons, precludes the possibility of normal scientific co-operation between the States ofthe world. At the very basis of the present situation, which is characterized by the absenceof any limitation in regard to the production and employment of atomic weapons, there arereasons which can only increase the suspicion of some countries in regard to others andgive rise to political instability. It is clear that the continuation of such a situation is likelyto bring only negative results in regard to peace.Moreover, the continuation of the present situation means that the latest scientificattainments in this field will not be a basis for joint scientific efforts among the countriesfor the object of discovering ways of using atomic energy for peaceful purposes. Hencethere follows only one correct conclusion, namely, the necessity of an exchange of scientificinformation between countries and the necessity of joint scientific efforts directed toward abroadening of the possibilities of the use of atomic energy only in the interests ofpromoting the material welfare of the peoples and developing science and culture. Thesuccess of the work of the Commission will be determined in a large measure by the extentto which it succeeds in solving this important task.The proposal for a wide exchange of scientific information is timely because such ascientific discovery, as the discovery of methods of using atomic energy, cannot remain foran indefinite time the property of only one country or small group of countries. It is boundto become the property of a number of countries. This confirms the necessity of a wideexchange of scientific information on the problem in question, and the necessity of drawingup corresponding measures in this field, including measures of organization.I have stated the general considerations regarding the tasks and the character of theactivities of the Atomic Energy Commission. In order to develop these general statements,on the instructions of my Government, I will place before the Commission for considerationtwo concrete proposals which, in the opinion of the Soviet Government, may constitute abasis for the adoption by the Commission of recommendations to the Security Council andplay an important role in the strengthening of peace. These proposals are as follows:(1) concerning the conclusion of an international convention prohibiting the productionand employment of weapons based on the use of atomic energy for the purpose ofmass destruction.4(2) concerning the organization of the work of the Atomic Energy Commission.I will read the text of the first proposal.Draft International Convention to Prohibit the Production and Employment of WeaponsBased on the Use of Atomic Energy for the Purpose of Mass Destruction[Here follows a list of signatory states.]Being profoundly aware of the vast significance of the great scientific discoveriesconnected with the splitting of the atom and the obtaining and use of atomic energy for thepurpose of promoting the welfare and raising the standard of living of the peoples of theworld, as well as for the development of culture and science for the benefit of mankind;animated by the desire to promote in every way the fullest possible utilization by allpeoples of scientific discoveries in the sphere of atomic energy for the purpose ofimproving the conditions of life of the peoples of the world and promoting their welfareand the further progress of human culture;fully realizing that the great scientific discoveries in the sphere of atomic energy carry withthem a great danger, above all, for peaceful towns and the civilian population in the eventof these discoveries being used in the form of atomic weapons for the purpose of massdestruction;recognizing the great significance of the fact that international agreements have alreadyprohibited the use in warfare of asphyxiating, poisonous and other similar gases, as well asall similar liquids, substances and processes, and likewise bacteriological means, rightlycondemned by the public opinion of the civilized world, and considering that theinternational prohibition of the use of atomic weapons for the mass destruction of humanbeings corresponds in still greater measure to the, aspirations and the conscience of thepeoples of the whole world;being firmly resolved to avert the danger of these scientific discoveries being used to thedetriment and against the interests of mankind;resolved to conclude a convention to prohibit the production and the employment ofweapons based on the Use of atomic energy, and for this purpose appointed as theirplenipotentiaries... [here follows the list of plenipotentiaries], who, after presenting theircredentials found to be in good and due form, agreed as follows:Article 1. The high contracting parties solemnly declare that they are unanimously resolvedto prohibit the production and employment of weapons based on the use of atomic energy,and for this purpose assume the following obligations:(a) not to use atomic weapons in any circumstances whatsoever;5(b) to prohibit the production and storing of weapons based on the use of atomicenergy;(c) to destroy, within a period of three months from the day of the entry into forceof the present convention, all stocks of atomic energy weapons whether in afinished or unfinished condition.Article 2. The high contracting parties declare that any violation of article 1 of the presentconvention is a most serious international crime against humanity.Article 3. The high contracting parties shall, within a period of six months from the day ofthe entry into force of the present convention, pass legislation providing severe penaltiesfor violators of the statutes of the present convention.Article 4. The present convention shall be of indefinite duration.Article 5. The present convention shall be open for the adhesion of any State whether aMember or non-member of the United Nations.Article 6: The present convention shall come into force after its approval by the SecurityCouncil and after the ratification and delivery of ratification documents to the SecretaryGeneral for safekeeping by one half of the signatory States, including all the MemberStates of the United Nations named in Article 23 of the Charter of the Organization.4Article 7. After the entry into force of the present convention it shall be binding on allStates whether Members or non-members of the United Nations.Article 8. The present convention, of which the Russian, Chinese, French, English andSpanish texts shall be authentic, is drawn up in one copy and shall be kept in the archives ofthe Secretary-General of the United Nations. The Secretary-General shall communicatecertified copies to all the parties to the convention.I will read the text of the second proposal.Concerning the organization of the work of the Atomic Energy CommissionIn accordance with the resolution of the General Assembly of 24 January 1946 regardingthe establishment of a commission to deal with problems raised by the discovery of atomicenergy and other related matters, and in particular with article 5 of the said resolutionrelating to the terms of reference of the Commission, the Soviet delegation deems itnecessary to propose the following plan of organization of the work of the Commission forthe initial stage of its activity.4 The permanent members of the Security Council.6I. ESTABLISHMENT OF COMMITTEES OF THE COMMISSIONIn pursuance of the aim indicated in the resolution of the General Assembly "to proceedwith the utmost despatch and inquire into all phases of the problems," it appears to benecessary to set up two committees which as auxiliary organs of the Commission wouldensure a thorough examination of the problem of atomic energy and the elaboration ofrecommendations, which the Commission must make in fulfillment of the resolution of theGeneral Assembly and other organs of the United Nations.It is proposed that the following committees should be set up:Committee for the exchange of scientific informationThis committee shall be set up for the purpose of carrying out the aims indicated in point(a) of item 5 of the resolution of the General Assembly of 24 January 1946.The tasks of the committee shall include the elaboration of recommendations concerningpracticaI measures for organizing the exchange of information:(1) concerning the contents of scientific discoveries connected with the splittingof the atomic nucleus and other discoveries connected with obtaining andusing atomic energy;(2) concerning the technology and the organization of technological processesfor obtaining and using atomic energy;(3) concerning the organization and methods of industrial production of atomicenergy and the use of this energy;(4) concerning the forms, sources and locations of the raw materials necessaryfor obtaining atomic energy.Committee for the prevention of the use of atomic energy to the detriment of mankindThis committee shall be set up to carry out the aims set forth in points (b), (c) and (d) ofitem 5 of the resolution of the General Assembly.The task of the committee shall be to elaborate recommendations:(1) concerning the drafting of an international convention for outlawing weaponsbased on the use of atomic energy and prohibiting the production and use ofsuch weapons and all other similar kinds of weapons capable of being used formass destruction;(2) concerning the quest for and establishment of measures to prohibit theproduction of weapons based on the use of atomic energy and to prevent the useof atomic weapons and all other main kinds of weapons capable of being usedfor mass destruction;7(3) concerning the measures, systems and organization of control over the use ofatomic energy and over the observance of the terms of the above-mentionedinternational convention for the outlawing of atomic weapons;(4) concerning the elaboration of a system of sanctions to be applied against theunlawful use of atomic energy.II. COMPOSITION OF THE COMMITTEESEach committee shall be composed of one representative of each State represented in theCommission. Each representative may have assistants.III. RULES OF PROCEDURE OF THE COMMITTEESThe rules of procedure of the committees shall be drawn up by the Commission.The proposal for the conclusion of a convention and the proposal for the organization ofthe work of the Commission are both capable of being put into practice at the present time.The convention would be a definite and important step towards the creation of an effectivesystem of control over atomic energy. This measure would have an immense moral andpolitical significance and would contribute to the strengthening of political stability in theworld and of friendly relations between the peoples.The creation of the two committees that I have proposed, with the terms of reference laiddown in the proposal, will mean the adoption of a concrete plan of work of the Commissionfor the initial stage of its activities, and at the same time, the adoption of the necessaryorganizational forms for carrying out its work which will facilitate the speedy preparationby the Commission of proposals concerning the wide exchange of scientific information, aswell as concerning matters relating to the prevention of the use of atomic energy to thedetriment of mankind.The activity of the Atomic Energy Commission can bring about the desired results onlywhen it is in full conformity with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations whichare laid down as the basis of the activity of the Security Council, because the Commission isan organ of this Organization, working under the instructions of the Security Council andresponsible to the same.Attempts to undermine the principles, as established by the Charter, of the activity of theSecurity Council, including unanimity of the members of the Security Council in decidingquestions of substance55 The rule of unanimity appears in art. 27 of the Charter., are incompatible with the interests of the United Nations, whocreated the international organization for the preservation of peace and security. Suchattempts must be rejected.8I deemed it necessary to make this statement in order that, from the very beginning of thework of our Commission, I might make clear the position of the Soviet Governmentregarding the question of the character and basis of the work of the Commission, regardingthe question of the recommendations to be prepared by it, and regarding the measures ofcontrol over atomic energy to be submitted to the Security Council.In conclusion I wish to say that in my present statement I set myself the task ofemphasizing the extreme importance of the proposal for the conclusion of the abovementioned convention prohibiting the production and employment of atomic weapons.The conclusion of such a convention would constitute an important practical step towardsthe fulfilment of the tasks that lie before the Commission.Russia (Russian: Россия, romanized: Rossiya, [rɐˈsʲijə]), or the Russian Federation,[c] is a transcontinental country spanning Eastern Europe and Northern Asia. It is the largest country in the world by area, its vast landmass stretching over the easternmost part of Europe and the northernmost part of Asia. Russia extends across eleven time zones and shares land boundaries with fourteen countries.[d] It is the world's ninth-most populous country and Europe's most populous country. The country's capital and largest city is Moscow. Saint Petersburg is Russia's cultural centre and second-largest city. Other major urban areas in the country include Novosibirsk, Yekaterinburg, Nizhny Novgorod, Chelyabinsk, Krasnoyarsk, and Kazan.
The East Slavs emerged as a recognisable group in Europe between the 3rd and 8th centuries CE. The first East Slavic state, Kievan Rus', arose in the 9th century, and in 988, it adopted Orthodox Christianity from the Byzantine Empire. Rus' ultimately disintegrated, with the Grand Duchy of Moscow growing to become the Tsardom of Russia. By the early 18th century, Russia had vastly expanded through conquest, annexation, and the efforts of Russian explorers, developing into the Russian Empire, which remains the third-largest empire in history. However, with the Russian Revolution in 1917, Russia's monarchic rule was abolished and eventually replaced by the Russian SFSR—the world's first constitutionally socialist state. Following the Russian Civil War, the Russian SFSR established the Soviet Union with three other Soviet republics, within which it was the largest and principal constituent. At the expense of millions of lives, the Soviet Union underwent rapid industrialisation in the 1930s, and later played a decisive role for the Allies of World War II by leading large-scale efforts on the Eastern Front. With the onset of the Cold War, it competed with the United States for global ideological influence; the Soviet era of the 20th century saw some of the most significant Russian technological achievements, including the first human-made satellite and the first human expedition into outer space.
In 1991, the Russian SFSR emerged from the dissolution of the Soviet Union as the independent Russian Federation. A new constitution was adopted, which established a federal semi-presidential system. Since the turn of the century, Russia's political system has been dominated by Vladimir Putin, under whom the country has experienced democratic backsliding and a shift towards authoritarianism. Russia has been involved militarily in a number of post-Soviet conflicts, which has included the internationally unrecognised annexations of Crimea in 2014 from neighbouring Ukraine, followed by the further annexation of four other regions in 2022 during an ongoing invasion.
Internationally, Russia ranks amongst the lowest in measurements of democracy, human rights and freedom of the press; the country also has high levels of perceived corruption. The Russian economy ranks 11th by nominal GDP, relying heavily upon its abundant natural resources. Its mineral and energy sources are the world's largest, and its figures for oil production and natural gas production rank high globally. The Russian GDP ranks 65th by per capita, Russia possesses the largest stockpile of nuclear weapons, and has the third-highest military expenditure. The country is a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council; a member state of the G20, the SCO, BRICS, the APEC, the OSCE, and the WTO; and is the leading member state of post-Soviet organizations such as the CIS, the CSTO, and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). Russia is home to 30 UNESCO World Heritage Sites.
EtymologyMain article: Names of Rus', Russia and RutheniaThe name Russia comes from a Medieval Latin name for Rus', a medieval state populated primarily by the East Slavs.[20][21] In modern historiography, this state is usually denoted as Kievan Rus' after its capital city.[22] The name Rus' itself comes from the early medieval Rus' people, who were originally a group of Norse merchants and warriors who relocated from across the Baltic Sea and first settled in the northern region of Novgorod, and later founded a state centred on Kiev.[23] Another Medieval Latin name for Rus' was Ruthenia.[24]
In Russian, the current name of the country, Россия (Rossiya), comes from the Byzantine Greek name for Rus', Ρωσία (Rosía).[25] A new form of the name Rus', Росия (Rosiya), was borrowed from the Greek term and first attested in 1387,[26] before coming into official use by the 15th century, though the country was still often referred to by its inhabitants as Rus' or the Russian land until the end of the 17th century.[27][28] There are two words in Russian which translate to "Russians" in English – русские (russkiye), which refers to ethnic Russians, and россияне (rossiyane), which refers to Russian citizens, regardless of ethnicity.[28][29]
HistoryMain article: History of RussiaEarly historyFurther information: Ancient Greek colonies, Early Slavs, Huns, Turkic expansion, and Prehistory of SiberiaSee also: Proto-Indo-Europeans and Proto-Uralic homelandThe first human settlement on Russia dates back to the Oldowan period in the early Lower Paleolithic. About 2 million years ago, representatives of Homo erectus migrated to the Taman Peninsula in southern Russia.[30] Flint tools, some 1.5 million years old, have been discovered in the North Caucasus.[31] Radiocarbon dated specimens from Denisova Cave in the Altai Mountains estimate the oldest Denisovan specimen lived 195–122,700 years ago.[32] Fossils of Denny, an archaic human hybrid that was half Neanderthal and half Denisovan, and lived some 90,000 years ago, was also found within the latter cave.[33] Russia was home to some of the last surviving Neanderthals, from about 45,000 years ago, found in Mezmaiskaya cave.[34]
The first trace of an early modern human in Russia dates back to 45,000 years, in Western Siberia.[35] The discovery of high concentration cultural remains of anatomically modern humans, from at least 40,000 years ago, was found at Kostyonki–Borshchyovo,[36] and at Sungir, dating back to 34,600 years ago—both in western Russia.[37] Humans reached Arctic Russia at least 40,000 years ago, in Mamontovaya Kurya.[38] Ancient North Eurasian populations from Siberia genetically similar to Mal'ta–Buret' culture and Afontova Gora were an important genetic contributor to Ancient Native Americans and Eastern Hunter-Gatherers.[39]Bronze Age spread of Yamnaya Steppe pastoralist ancestry between 3300 and 1500 BC,[40] including the Afanasievo culture of southern SiberiaThe Kurgan hypothesis places the Volga-Dnieper region of southern Russia and Ukraine as the urheimat of the Proto-Indo-Europeans.[41] Early Indo-European migrations from the Pontic–Caspian steppe of Ukraine and Russia spread Yamnaya ancestry and Indo-European languages across large parts of Eurasia.[42][43] Nomadic pastoralism developed in the Pontic–Caspian steppe beginning in the Chalcolithic.[44] Remnants of these steppe civilizations were discovered in places such as Ipatovo,[44] Sintashta,[45] Arkaim,[46] and Pazyryk,[47] which bear the earliest known traces of horses in warfare.[45] The genetic makeup of speakers of the Uralic language family in northern Europe was shaped by migration from Siberia that began at least 3,500 years ago.[48]
In the 3rd to 4th centuries CE, the Gothic kingdom of Oium existed in southern Russia, which was later overrun by Huns.[49][failed verification] Between the 3rd and 6th centuries CE, the Bosporan Kingdom, which was a Hellenistic polity that succeeded the Greek colonies,[50] was also overwhelmed by nomadic invasions led by warlike tribes such as the Huns and Eurasian Avars.[51] The Khazars, who were of Turkic origin, ruled the steppes between the Caucasus in the south, to the east past the Volga river basin, and west as far as Kyiv on the Dnieper river until the 10th century.[52] After them came the Pechenegs who created a large confederacy, which was subsequently taken over by the Cumans and the Kipchaks.[53]
The ancestors of Russians are among the Slavic tribes that separated from the Proto-Indo-Europeans, who appeared in the northeastern part of Europe c. 1500 years ago.[54] The East Slavs gradually settled western Russia in two waves: one moving from Kiev towards present-day Suzdal and Murom and another from Polotsk towards Novgorod and Rostov. From the 7th century onwards, the East Slavs constituted the bulk of the population in western Russia,[55] and slowly but peacefully assimilated the native Finnic peoples.[49]
Kievan Rus'Main articles: Rus' Khaganate; Kievan Rus'; and List of tribes and states in Belarus, Russia and Ukraine
Kievan Rus' after the Council of Liubech in 1097The establishment of the first East Slavic states in the 9th century coincided with the arrival of Varangians, the Vikings who ventured along the waterways extending from the eastern Baltic to the Black and Caspian Seas.[56][failed verification] According to the Primary Chronicle, a Varangian from the Rus' people, named Rurik, was elected ruler of Novgorod in 862. In 882, his successor Oleg ventured south and conquered Kiev, which had been previously paying tribute to the Khazars.[49] Rurik's son Igor and Igor's son Sviatoslav subsequently subdued all local East Slavic tribes to Kievan rule, destroyed the Khazar Khaganate,[57] and launched several military expeditions to Byzantium and Persia.[58][59]
In the 10th to 11th centuries, Kievan Rus' became one of the largest and most prosperous states in Europe. The reigns of Vladimir the Great (980–1015) and his son Yaroslav the Wise (1019–1054) constitute the Golden Age of Kiev, which saw the acceptance of Orthodox Christianity from Byzantium, and the creation of the first East Slavic written legal code, the Russkaya Pravda.[49] The age of feudalism and decentralisation had come, marked by constant in-fighting between members of the Rurik dynasty that ruled Kievan Rus' collectively. Kiev's dominance waned, to the benefit of Vladimir-Suzdal in the north-east, the Novgorod Republic in the north, and Galicia-Volhynia in the south-west.[49] By the 12th century, Kiev lost its pre-eminence and Kievan Rus' had fragmented into different principalities.[60] Prince Andrey Bogolyubsky sacked Kiev in 1169 and made Vladimir his base,[60] leading to political power being shifted to the north-east.[49]
Led by Prince Alexander Nevsky, Novgorodians repelled the invading Swedes in the Battle of the Neva in 1240,[61] as well as the Germanic crusaders in the Battle on the Ice in 1242.[62]
Kievan Rus' finally fell to the Mongol invasion of 1237–1240, which resulted in the sacking of Kiev and other cities, as well as the death of a major part of the population.[49] The invaders, later known as Tatars, formed the state of the Golden Horde, which ruled over Russia for the next two centuries.[63] Only the Novgorod Republic escaped foreign occupation after it surrendered and agreed to pay tribute to the Mongols.[49] Galicia-Volhynia would later be absorbed by Lithuania and Poland, while the Novgorod Republic continued to prosper in the north. In the northeast, the Byzantine-Slavic traditions of Kievan Rus' were adapted to form the Russian autocratic state.[49]
Grand Duchy of MoscowMain article: Grand Duchy of Moscow
Sergius of Radonezh blessing Dmitry Donskoy in Trinity Sergius Lavra, before the Battle of Kulikovo, depicted in a painting by Ernst LissnerThe destruction of Kievan Rus' saw the eventual rise of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, initially a part of Vladimir-Suzdal.[64]: 11–20 While still under the domain of the Mongol-Tatars and with their connivance, Moscow began to assert its influence in the region in the early 14th century,[65] gradually becoming the leading force in the "gathering of the Russian lands".[66] When the seat of the Metropolitan of the Russian Orthodox Church moved to Moscow in 1325, its influence increased.[67] Moscow's last rival, the Novgorod Republic, prospered as the chief fur trade centre and the easternmost port of the Hanseatic League.[68]
Led by Prince Dmitry Donskoy of Moscow, the united army of Russian principalities inflicted a milestone defeat on the Mongol-Tatars in the Battle of Kulikovo in 1380.[49] Moscow gradually absorbed its parent duchy and surrounding principalities, including formerly strong rivals such as Tver and Novgorod.[66]
Ivan III ("the Great") threw off the control of the Golden Horde and consolidated the whole of northern Rus' under Moscow's dominion, and was the first Russian ruler to take the title "Grand Duke of all Rus'". After the fall of Constantinople in 1453, Moscow claimed succession to the legacy of the Eastern Roman Empire. Ivan III married Sophia Palaiologina, the niece of the last Byzantine emperor Constantine XI, and made the Byzantine double-headed eagle his own, and eventually Russia's, coat-of-arms.[66] Vasili III united all of Russia by annexing the last few independent Russian states in the early 16th century.[69]
Tsardom of RussiaMain article: Tsardom of RussiaSee also: Moscow, third Rome
Ivan IV was the Grand Prince of Moscow from 1533 to 1547, then Tsar of Russia until his death in 1584.In development of the Third Rome ideas, the grand duke Ivan IV ("the Terrible") was officially crowned the first tsar of Russia in 1547. The tsar promulgated a new code of laws (Sudebnik of 1550), established the first Russian feudal representative body (the Zemsky Sobor), revamped the military, curbed the influence of the clergy, and reorganised local government.[66] During his long reign, Ivan nearly doubled the already large Russian territory by annexing the three Tatar khanates: Kazan and Astrakhan along the Volga,[70] and the Khanate of Sibir in southwestern Siberia. Ultimately, by the end of the 16th century, Russia expanded east of the Ural Mountains.[71] However, the Tsardom was weakened by the long and unsuccessful Livonian War against the coalition of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (later the united Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth), the Kingdom of Sweden, and Denmark–Norway for access to the Baltic coast and sea trade.[72] In 1572, an invading army of Crimean Tatars were thoroughly defeated in the crucial Battle of Molodi.[73]
The death of Ivan's sons marked the end of the ancient Rurik dynasty in 1598, and in combination with the disastrous famine of 1601–1603, led to a civil war, the rule of pretenders, and foreign intervention during the Time of Troubles in the early 17th century.[74] The Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, taking advantage, occupied parts of Russia, extending into the capital Moscow.[75] In 1612, the Poles were forced to retreat by the Russian volunteer corps, led by merchant Kuzma Minin and prince Dmitry Pozharsky.[76] The Romanov dynasty acceded to the throne in 1613 by the decision of the Zemsky Sobor, and the country started its gradual recovery from the crisis.[77]
Russia continued its territorial growth through the 17th century, which was the age of the Cossacks.[78] In 1654, the Ukrainian leader, Bohdan Khmelnytsky, offered to place Ukraine under the protection of the Russian tsar, Alexis; whose acceptance of this offer led to another Russo-Polish War. Ultimately, Ukraine was split along the Dnieper, leaving the eastern part, (Left-bank Ukraine and Kiev) under Russian rule.[79] In the east, the rapid Russian exploration and colonisation of vast Siberia continued, hunting for valuable furs and ivory. Russian explorers pushed eastward primarily along the Siberian River Routes, and by the mid-17th century, there were Russian settlements in eastern Siberia, on the Chukchi Peninsula, along the Amur River, and on the coast of the Pacific Ocean.[78] In 1648, Semyon Dezhnyov became the first European to navigate through the Bering Strait.[80]
Imperial RussiaMain article: Russian Empire
Expansion and territorial evolution of the Grand Duchy of Moscow, Tsardom of Russia and Russian Empire between the 14th and 20th centuriesUnder Peter the Great, Russia was proclaimed an empire in 1721, and established itself as one of the European great powers. Ruling from 1682 to 1725, Peter defeated Sweden in the Great Northern War (1700–1721), securing Russia's access to the sea and sea trade. In 1703, on the Baltic Sea, Peter founded Saint Petersburg as Russia's new capital. Throughout his rule, sweeping reforms were made, which brought significant Western European cultural influences to Russia.[81] The reign of Peter I's daughter Elizabeth in 1741–1762 saw Russia's participation in the Seven Years' War (1756–1763). During the conflict, Russian troops overran East Prussia, reaching Berlin.[82] However, upon Elizabeth's death, all these conquests were returned to the Kingdom of Prussia by pro-Prussian Peter III of Russia.[83]
Catherine II ("the Great"), who ruled in 1762–1796, presided over the Russian Age of Enlightenment. She extended Russian political control over the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth and annexed most of its territories into Russia, making it the most populous country in Europe.[84] In the south, after the successful Russo-Turkish Wars against the Ottoman Empire, Catherine advanced Russia's boundary to the Black Sea, by dissolving the Crimean Khanate, and annexing Crimea.[85] As a result of victories over Qajar Iran through the Russo-Persian Wars, by the first half of the 19th century, Russia also conquered the Caucasus.[86] Catherine's successor, her son Paul, was unstable and focused predominantly on domestic issues.[87] Following his short reign, Catherine's strategy was continued with Alexander I's (1801–1825) wresting of Finland from the weakened Sweden in 1809,[88] and of Bessarabia from the Ottomans in 1812.[89] In North America, the Russians became the first Europeans to reach and colonise Alaska.[90] In 1803–1806, the first Russian circumnavigation was made.[91] In 1820, a Russian expedition discovered the continent of Antarctica.[92]
Great power and development of society, sciences and artsDuring the Napoleonic Wars, Russia joined alliances with various European powers, and fought against France. The French invasion of Russia at the height of Napoleon's power in 1812 reached Moscow, but eventually failed as the obstinate resistance in combination with the bitterly cold Russian winter led to a disastrous defeat of invaders, in which the pan-European Grande Armée faced utter destruction. Led by Mikhail Kutuzov and Michael Andreas Barclay de Tolly, the Imperial Russian Army ousted Napoleon and drove throughout Europe in the War of the Sixth Coalition, ultimately entering Paris.[93] Alexander I controlled Russia's delegation at the Congress of Vienna, which defined the map of post-Napoleonic Europe.[94]Napoleon's retreat from Moscow by Albrecht Adam (1851)The officers who pursued Napoleon into Western Europe brought ideas of liberalism back to Russia, and attempted to curtail the tsar's powers during the abortive Decembrist revolt of 1825.[95] At the end of the conservative reign of Nicholas I (1825–1855), a zenith period of Russia's power and influence in Europe, was disrupted by defeat in the Crimean War.[96]
Great liberal reforms and capitalismNicholas's successor Alexander II (1855–1881) enacted significant changes throughout the country, including the emancipation reform of 1861.[97] These reforms spurred industrialisation, and modernised the Imperial Russian Army, which liberated much of the Balkans from Ottoman rule in the aftermath of the 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War.[98] During most of the 19th and early 20th century, Russia and Britain colluded over Afghanistan and its neighbouring territories in Central and South Asia; the rivalry between the two major European empires came to be known as the Great Game.[99]
The late 19th century saw the rise of various socialist movements in Russia. Alexander II was assassinated in 1881 by revolutionary terrorists.[100] The reign of his son Alexander III (1881–1894) was less liberal but more peaceful.[101]
Constitutional monarchy and World WarUnder last Russian emperor, Nicholas II (1894–1917), the Revolution of 1905 was triggered by the failure of the humiliating Russo-Japanese War.[102] The uprising was put down, but the government was forced to concede major reforms (Russian Constitution of 1906), including granting freedoms of speech and assembly, the legalisation of political parties, and the creation of an elected legislative body, the State Duma.[103]
Revolution and civil warMain articles: Russian Revolution and Russian Civil War
Emperor Nicholas II of Russia and the Romanovs were executed by the Bolsheviks in 1918.In 1914, Russia entered World War I in response to Austria-Hungary's declaration of war on Russia's ally Serbia,[104] and fought across multiple fronts while isolated from its Triple Entente allies.[105] In 1916, the Brusilov Offensive of the Imperial Russian Army almost completely destroyed the Austro-Hungarian Army.[106] However, the already-existing public distrust of the regime was deepened by the rising costs of war, high casualties, and rumors of corruption and treason. All this formed the climate for the Russian Revolution of 1917, carried out in two major acts.[107] In early 1917, Nicholas II was forced to abdicate; he and his family were imprisoned and later executed during the Russian Civil War.[108] The monarchy was replaced by a shaky coalition of political parties that declared itself the Provisional Government,[109] and proclaimed the Russian Republic. On 19 January [O.S. 6 January], 1918, the Russian Constituent Assembly declared Russia a democratic federal republic (thus ratifying the Provisional Government's decision). The next day the Constituent Assembly was dissolved by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee.[107]
An alternative socialist establishment co-existed, the Petrograd Soviet, wielding power through the democratically elected councils of workers and peasants, called soviets. The rule of the new authorities only aggravated the crisis in the country instead of resolving it, and eventually, the October Revolution, led by Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin, overthrew the Provisional Government and gave full governing power to the soviets, leading to the creation of the world's first socialist state.[107] The Russian Civil War broke out between the anti-communist White movement and the Bolsheviks with its Red Army.[110] In the aftermath of signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that concluded hostilities with the Central Powers of World War I; Bolshevist Russia surrendered most of its western territories, which hosted 34% of its population, 54% of its industries, 32% of its agricultural land, and roughly 90% of its coal mines.[111]Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky during a 1920 speech in MoscowThe Allied powers launched an unsuccessful military intervention in support of anti-communist forces.[112] In the meantime, both the Bolsheviks and White movement carried out campaigns of deportations and executions against each other, known respectively as the Red Terror and White Terror.[113] By the end of the violent civil war, Russia's economy and infrastructure were heavily damaged, and as many as 10 million perished during the war, mostly civilians.[114] Millions became White émigrés,[115] and the Russian famine of 1921–1922 claimed up to five million victims.[116]
Soviet UnionMain article: History of the Soviet Union
Location of the Russian SFSR (red) within the Soviet Union in 1936Command economy and Soviet societyOn 30 December 1922, Lenin and his aides formed the Soviet Union, by joining the Russian SFSR into a single state with the Byelorussian, Transcaucasian, and Ukrainian republics.[117] Eventually internal border changes and annexations during World War II created a union of 15 republics; the largest in size and population being the Russian SFSR, which dominated the union for its entire history politically, culturally, and economically.[118][failed verification]
Following Lenin's death in 1924, a troika was designated to take charge. Eventually Joseph Stalin, the General Secretary of the Communist Party, managed to suppress all opposition factions and consolidate power in his hands to become the country's dictator by the 1930s.[119] Leon Trotsky, the main proponent of world revolution, was exiled from the Soviet Union in 1929,[120] and Stalin's idea of Socialism in One Country became the official line.[121] The continued internal struggle in the Bolshevik party culminated in the Great Purge.[122]
Stalinism and violent modernizationUnder Stalin's leadership, the government launched a command economy, industrialisation of the largely rural country, and collectivisation of its agriculture. During this period of rapid economic and social change, millions of people were sent to penal labour camps, including many political convicts for their suspected or real opposition to Stalin's rule;[123] and millions were deported and exiled to remote areas of the Soviet Union.[124] The transitional disorganisation of the country's agriculture, combined with the harsh state policies and a drought,[125] led to the Soviet famine of 1932–1933; which killed up to 8.7 million, 3.3 million of them in the Russian SFSR.[126] The Soviet Union, ultimately, made the costly transformation from a largely agrarian economy to a major industrial powerhouse within a short span of time.[127]
World War II and United NationsMain article: Soviet Union in World War II
The Battle of Stalingrad, the largest and bloodiest battle in the history of warfare, ended in 1943 with a decisive Soviet victory against the German army.The Soviet Union entered World War II on 17 September 1939 with its invasion of Poland,[128] in accordance with a secret protocol within the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact with Nazi Germany.[129] The Soviet Union later invaded Finland,[130] and occupied and annexed the Baltic states,[131] as well as parts of Romania.[132]: 91–95 On 22 June 1941, Germany invaded the Soviet Union,[133] opening the Eastern Front, the largest theater of World War II.[134]: 7
Eventually, some 5 million Red Army troops were captured by the Nazis;[135]: 272 the latter deliberately starved to death or otherwise killed 3.3 million Soviet POWs, and a vast number of civilians, as the "Hunger Plan" sought to fulfil Generalplan Ost.[136]: 175–186 Although the Wehrmacht had considerable early success, their attack was halted in the Battle of Moscow.[137] Subsequently, the Germans were dealt major defeats first at the Battle of Stalingrad in the winter of 1942–1943,[138] and then in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943.[139] Another German failure was the Siege of Leningrad, in which the city was fully blockaded on land between 1941 and 1944 by German and Finnish forces, and suffered starvation and more than a million deaths, but never surrendered.[140] Soviet forces steamrolled through Eastern and Central Europe in 1944–1945 and captured Berlin in May 1945.[141] In August 1945, the Red Army invaded Manchuria and ousted the Japanese from Northeast Asia, contributing to the Allied victory over Japan.[142]
The 1941–1945 period of World War II is known in Russia as the Great Patriotic War.[143] The Soviet Union, along with the United States, the United Kingdom and China were considered the Big Four of Allied powers in World War II, and later became the Four Policemen, which was the foundation of the United Nations Security Council.[144]: 27 During the war, Soviet civilian and military death were about 26–27 million,[145] accounting for about half of all World War II casualties.[146]: 295 The Soviet economy and infrastructure suffered massive devastation, which caused the Soviet famine of 1946–1947.[147] However, at the expense of a large sacrifice, the Soviet Union emerged as a global superpower.[148]
Superpower and Cold War
The "Big Three" at the Yalta Conference in February 1945, Winston Churchill, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Joseph StalinAfter World War II, parts of Eastern and Central Europe, including East Germany and eastern parts of Austria were occupied by Red Army according to the Potsdam Conference.[149] Dependent communist governments were installed in the Eastern Bloc satellite states.[150] After becoming the world's second nuclear power,[151] the Soviet Union established the Warsaw Pact alliance,[152] and entered into a struggle for global dominance, known as the Cold War, with the rivalling United States and NATO.[153]
Khrushchev Thaw reforms and economic developmentAfter Stalin's death in 1953 and a short period of collective rule, the new leader Nikita Khrushchev denounced Stalin and launched the policy of de-Stalinization, releasing many political prisoners from the Gulag labour camps.[154] The general easement of repressive policies became known later as the Khrushchev Thaw.[155] At the same time, Cold War tensions reached its peak when the two rivals clashed over the deployment of the United States Jupiter missiles in Turkey and Soviet missiles in Cuba.[156]
In 1957, the Soviet Union launched the world's first artificial satellite, Sputnik 1, thus starting the Space Age.[157] Russian cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin became the first human to orbit the Earth, aboard the Vostok 1 crewed spacecraft on 12 April 1961.[158]
Period of developed socialism or Era of StagnationFollowing the ousting of Khrushchev in 1964, another period of collective rule ensued, until Leonid Brezhnev became the leader. The era of the 1970s and the early 1980s was later designated as the Era of Stagnation. The 1965 Kosygin reform aimed for partial decentralisation of the Soviet economy.[159] In 1979, after a communist-led revolution in Afghanistan, Soviet forces invaded the country, ultimately starting the Soviet–Afghan War.[160] In May 1988, the Soviets started to withdraw from Afghanistan, due to international opposition, persistent anti-Soviet guerrilla warfare, and a lack of support by Soviet citizens.[161]Mikhail Gorbachev in one-to-one discussions with Ronald Reagan in the Reykjavík Summit, 1986Perestroika, democratization and Russian sovereigntyFrom 1985 onwards, the last Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, who sought to enact liberal reforms in the Soviet system, introduced the policies of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) in an attempt to end the period of economic stagnation and to democratise the government.[162] This, however, led to the rise of strong nationalist and separatist movements across the country.[163] Prior to 1991, the Soviet economy was the world's second-largest, but during its final years, it went into a crisis.[164]
By 1991, economic and political turmoil began to boil over as the Baltic states chose to secede from the Soviet Union.[165] On 17 March, a referendum was held, in which the vast majority of participating citizens voted in favour of changing the Soviet Union into a renewed federation.[166] In June 1991, Boris Yeltsin became the first directly elected president in Russian history when he was elected president of the Russian SFSR.[167] In August 1991, a coup d'état attempt by members of Gorbachev's government, directed against Gorbachev and aimed at preserving the Soviet Union, instead led to the end of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[168] On 25 December 1991, following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, along with contemporary Russia, fourteen other post-Soviet states emerged.[169]
Independent Russian FederationMain article: History of Russia (1991–present)Further information: Presidency of Boris Yeltsin, Russia under Vladimir Putin, and Presidency of Dmitry Medvedev
Vladimir Putin takes the oath of office as president on his first inauguration, with Boris Yeltsin looking over, 2000.Transition to a market economy and political crisesThe economic and political collapse of the Soviet Union led Russia into a deep and prolonged depression. During and after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, wide-ranging reforms including privatisation and market and trade liberalisation were undertaken, including radical changes along the lines of "shock therapy".[170] The privatisation largely shifted control of enterprises from state agencies to individuals with inside connections in the government, which led to the rise of the infamous Russian oligarchs.[171] Many of the newly rich moved billions in cash and assets outside of the country in an enormous capital flight.[172] The depression of the economy led to the collapse of social services—the birth rate plummeted while the death rate skyrocketed,[173][174] and millions plunged into poverty;[175] while extreme corruption,[176] as well as criminal gangs and organised crime rose significantly.[177]
In late 1993, tensions between Yeltsin and the Russian parliament culminated in a constitutional crisis which ended violently through military force. During the crisis, Yeltsin was backed by Western governments, and over 100 people were killed.[178]
Modern liberal constitution, international cooperation and economic stabilizationIn December, a referendum was held and approved, which introduced a new constitution, giving the president enormous powers.[179] The 1990s were plagued by armed conflicts in the North Caucasus, both local ethnic skirmishes and separatist Islamist insurrections.[180] From the time Chechen separatists declared independence in the early 1990s, an intermittent guerrilla war was fought between the rebel groups and Russian forces.[181] Terrorist attacks against civilians were carried out by Chechen separatists, claiming the lives of thousands of Russian civilians.[e][182]
After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia assumed responsibility for settling the latter's external debts.[183] In 1992, most consumer price controls were eliminated, causing extreme inflation and significantly devaluing the rouble.[184] High budget deficits coupled with increasing capital flight and inability to pay back debts, caused the 1998 Russian financial crisis, which resulted in a further GDP decline.[185]
Movement towards a modernized economy, political centralization and democratic backslidingOn 31 December 1999, president Yeltsin unexpectedly resigned,[186] handing the post to the recently appointed prime minister and his chosen successor, Vladimir Putin.[187] Putin then won the 2000 presidential election,[188] and defeated the Chechen insurgency in the Second Chechen War.[189]
Putin won a second presidential term in 2004.[190] High oil prices and a rise in foreign investment saw the Russian economy and living standards improve significantly.[191] Putin's rule increased stability, while transforming Russia into an authoritarian state.[192] In 2008, Putin took the post of prime minister, while Dmitry Medvedev was elected president for one term, to hold onto power despite legal term limits;[193] this period has been described as a "tandemocracy".[194]Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine as of 30 September 2022 at the time their annexation was declaredFollowing a diplomatic crisis with neighbouring Georgia, the Russo-Georgian War took place during 1–12 August 2008, resulting in Russia recognising two separatist states in the territories that it occupies in Georgia.[195] It was the first European war of the 21st century.[196]
Invasion of UkraineIn early 2014, following a revolution in Ukraine, Russia occupied and annexed Crimea from neighbouring Ukraine following a disputed referendum,[197] with Russian troops later participating in a war in eastern Ukraine between Russian-backed separatists and Ukrainian troops.[198] In a major escalation of the conflict, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022.[199] The invasion marked the largest conventional war in Europe since World War II,[200] and was met with international condemnation,[201] as well as expanded sanctions against Russia.[202] As a result, Russia was expelled from the Council of Europe in March,[203] and was suspended from the United Nations Human Rights Council in April.[204] In September, following successful Ukrainian counteroffensives,[205] Putin announced a "partial mobilisation", Russia's first mobilisation since World War II.[206] By the end of September, Putin proclaimed the annexation of four Ukrainian regions, the largest annexation in Europe since World War II.[207] Putin and Russian-installed leaders signed treaties of accession, internationally unrecognized and widely denounced as illegal, despite the fact that Russian forces have been unable to fully occupy any of the four regions.[207] A number of supranational and national parliaments passed resolutions declaring Russia to be a state sponsor of terrorism.[208] In addition, Russia was declared a terrorist state by Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia.[209] Tens of thousands are estimated to have been killed as a result of the invasion.[210][211] The war in Ukraine has further exacerbated Russia's demographic crisis.[212]
In June 2023, the Wagner Group, a private military contractor fighting for Russia in Ukraine, declared an open rebellion against the Russian Ministry of Defense, capturing Rostov-on-Don, before beginning a march on Moscow. However, after negotiations between Wagner and the Belarusian government, the rebellion was called off.[213][214]
GeographyMain article: Geography of Russia
Topographic map of RussiaRussia's vast landmass stretches over the easternmost part of Europe and the northernmost part of Asia.[215] It spans the northernmost edge of Eurasia; and has the world's fourth-longest coastline, of over 37,653 km (23,396 mi).[f][217] Russia lies between latitudes 41° and 82° N, and longitudes 19° E and 169° W, extending some 9,000 km (5,600 mi) east to west, and 2,500 to 4,000 km (1,600 to 2,500 mi) north to south.[218] Russia, by landmass, is larger than three continents,[g] and has the same surface area as Pluto.[219]
Russia has nine major mountain ranges, and they are found along the southernmost regions, which share a significant portion of the Caucasus Mountains (containing Mount Elbrus, which at 5,642 m (18,510 ft) is the highest peak in Russia and Europe);[10] the Altai and Sayan Mountains in Siberia; and in the East Siberian Mountains and the Kamchatka Peninsula in the Russian Far East (containing Klyuchevskaya Sopka, which at 4,750 m (15,584 ft) is the highest active volcano in Eurasia).[220][221] The Ural Mountains, running north to south through the country's west, are rich in mineral resources, and form the traditional boundary between Europe and Asia.[222] The lowest point in Russia and Europe, is situated at the head of the Caspian Sea, where the Caspian Depression reaches some 29 metres (95.1 ft) below sea level.[223]
Russia, as one of the world's only three countries bordering three oceans,[215] has links with a great number of seas.[h][224] Its major islands and archipelagos include Novaya Zemlya, Franz Josef Land, Severnaya Zemlya, the New Siberian Islands, Wrangel Island, the Kuril Islands (four of which are disputed with Japan), and Sakhalin.[225][226] The Diomede Islands, administered by Russia and the United States, are just 3.8 km (2.4 mi) apart;[227] and Kunashir Island of the Kuril Islands is merely 20 km (12.4 mi) from Hokkaido, Japan.[2]
Russia, home of over 100,000 rivers,[215] has one of the world's largest surface water resources, with its lakes containing approximately one-quarter of the world's liquid fresh water.[221] Lake Baikal, the largest and most prominent among Russia's fresh water bodies, is the world's deepest, purest, oldest and most capacious fresh water lake, containing over one-fifth of the world's fresh surface water.[228] Ladoga and Onega in northwestern Russia are two of the largest lakes in Europe.[215] Russia is second only to Brazil by total renewable water resources.[229] The Volga in western Russia, widely regarded as Russia's national river, is the longest river in Europe; and forms the Volga Delta, the largest river delta in the continent.[230] The Siberian rivers of Ob, Yenisey, Lena, and Amur are among the world's longest rivers.[231]
ClimateMain article: Climate of Russia
Köppen climate classification of RussiaThe size of Russia and the remoteness of many of its areas from the sea result in the dominance of the humid continental climate throughout most of the country, except for the tundra and the extreme southwest. Mountain ranges in the south and east obstruct the flow of warm air masses from the Indian and Pacific oceans, while the European Plain spanning its west and north opens it to influence from the Atlantic and Arctic oceans.[232] Most of northwest Russia and Siberia have a subarctic climate, with extremely severe winters in the inner regions of northeast Siberia (mostly Sakha, where the Northern Pole of Cold is located with the record low temperature of −71.2 °C or −96.2 °F),[225] and more moderate winters elsewhere. Russia's vast coastline along the Arctic Ocean and the Russian Arctic islands have a polar climate.[232]
The coastal part of Krasnodar Krai on the Black Sea, most notably Sochi, and some coastal and interior strips of the North Caucasus possess a humid subtropical climate with mild and wet winters.[232] In many regions of East Siberia and the Russian Far East, winter is dry compared to summer; while other parts of the country experience more even precipitation across seasons. Winter precipitation in most parts of the country usually falls as snow. The westernmost parts of Kaliningrad Oblast and some parts in the south of Krasnodar Krai and the North Caucasus have an oceanic climate.[232] The region along the Lower Volga and Caspian Sea coast, as well as some southernmost slivers of Siberia, possess a semi-arid climate.[233]
Throughout much of the territory, there are only two distinct seasons, winter and summer; as spring and autumn are usually brief periods of change between extremely low and extremely high temperatures.[232] The coldest month is January (February on the coastline); the warmest is usually July. Great ranges of temperature are typical. In winter, temperatures get colder both from south to north and from west to east. Summers can be quite hot, even in Siberia.[234] Climate change in Russia is causing more frequent wildfires,[235] and thawing the country's large expanse of permafrost.[236]
BiodiversityMain article: Wildlife of RussiaSee also: List of ecoregions in Russia
Yugyd Va National Park in the Komi Republic is the largest national park in Europe.[222]Russia, owing to its gigantic size, has diverse ecosystems, including polar deserts, tundra, forest tundra, taiga, mixed and broadleaf forest, forest steppe, steppe, semi-desert, and subtropics.[237] About half of Russia's territory is forested,[10] and it has the world's largest area of forest,[238] which sequester some of the world's highest amounts of carbon dioxide.[238][239]
Russian biodiversity includes 12,500 species of vascular plants, 2,200 species of bryophytes, about 3,000 species of lichens, 7,000–9,000 species of algae, and 20,000–25,000 species of fungi. Russian fauna is composed of 320 species of mammals, over 732 species of birds, 75 species of reptiles, about 30 species of amphibians, 343 species of freshwater fish (high endemism), approximately 1,500 species of saltwater fishes, 9 species of cyclostomata, and approximately 100–150,000 invertebrates (high endemism).[237][240] Approximately 1,100 rare and endangered plant and animal species are included in the Russian Red Data Book.[237]
Russia's entirely natural ecosystems are conserved in nearly 15,000 specially protected natural territories of various statuses, occupying more than 10% of the country's total area.[237] They include 45 biosphere reserves,[241] 64 national parks, and 101 nature reserves.[242] Although in decline, the country still has many ecosystems which are still considered intact forest; mainly in the northern taiga areas, and the subarctic tundra of Siberia.[243] Russia had a Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 9.02 in 2019, ranking 10th out of 172 countries; and the first ranked major nation globally.[244]
Government and politicsMain article: Politics of Russia
Vladimir PutinPresident
Mikhail MishustinPrime Minister
A chart of the Russian political systemRussia, by 1993 constitution, is a symmetric federal republic with a semi-presidential system, wherein the president is the head of state,[245] and the prime minister is the head of government.[10] It is structured as a multi-party representative democracy, with the federal government composed of three branches:[246]
Legislative: The bicameral Federal Assembly of Russia, made up of the 450-member State Duma and the 170-member Federation Council,[246] adopts federal law, declares war, approves treaties, has the power of the purse and the power of impeachment of the president.[247]Executive: The president is the commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces, and appoints the Government of Russia (Cabinet) and other officers, who administer and enforce federal laws and policies.[245] The president may issue decrees of unlimited scope, so long as they do not contradict the constitution or federal law.[248]Judiciary: The Constitutional Court, Supreme Court and lower federal courts, whose judges are appointed by the Federation Council on the recommendation of the president,[246] interpret laws and can overturn laws they deem unconstitutional.[249]The president is elected by popular vote for a six-year term and may be elected no more than twice.[250][i] Ministries of the government are composed of the premier and his deputies, ministers, and selected other individuals; all are appointed by the president on the recommendation of the prime minister (whereas the appointment of the latter requires the consent of the State Duma). United Russia is the dominant political party in Russia, and has been described as "big tent" and the "party of power".[252][253] Under the administrations of Vladimir Putin, Russia has experienced democratic backsliding,[254][255] and has become an authoritarian state[11] under a dictatorship,[8][256] with Putin's policies being referred to as Putinism.[257]
Political divisionsMain article: Political divisions of RussiaRussia, by 1993 constitution, is a symmetric (with the possibility of an asymmetric configuration) federation. Unlike the Soviet asymmetric model of the RSFSR, where only republics were "subjects of the federation", the current constitution raised the status of other regions to the level of republics and made all regions equal with the title "subject of the federation". The regions of Russia have reserved areas of competence, but no regions have sovereignty, do not have the status of a sovereign state, do not have the right to indicate any sovereignty in their constitutions and do not have the right to secede from the country. The laws of the regions cannot contradict federal laws.[258]
The federal subjects[j] have equal representation—two delegates each—in the Federation Council, the upper house of the Federal Assembly.[259] They do, however, differ in the degree of autonomy they enjoy.[260] The federal districts of Russia were established by Putin in 2000 to facilitate central government control of the federal subjects.[261] Originally seven, currently there are eight federal districts, each headed by an envoy appointed by the president.[262]Federal subjects Governance 46 oblastsThe most common type of federal subject with a governor and locally elected legislature. Commonly named after their administrative centres.[263] 22 republicsEach is nominally autonomous—home to a specific ethnic minority, and has its own constitution, language, and legislature, but is represented by the federal government in international affairs.[264] 9 kraisFor all intents and purposes, krais are legally identical to oblasts. The title "krai" ("frontier" or "territory") is historic, related to geographic (frontier) position in a certain period of history. The current krais are not related to frontiers.[265] 4 autonomous okrugsOccasionally referred to as "autonomous district", "autonomous area", and "autonomous region", each with a substantial or predominant ethnic minority.[266] 3 federal citiesMajor cities that function as separate regions (Moscow and Saint Petersburg, as well as Sevastopol in Russian-occupied Ukraine).[267] 1 autonomous oblastThe only autonomous oblast is the Jewish Autonomous Oblast.[268]Foreign relationsMain article: Foreign relations of Russia
Putin with G20 counterparts in Osaka, 2019Russia had the world's fifth-largest diplomatic network in 2019. It maintains diplomatic relations with 190 United Nations member states, four partially-recognised states, and three United Nations observer states; along with 144 embassies.[269] Russia is one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. It has historically been a great power,[270] and a former superpower as the leading constituent of the former Soviet Union.[148] Russia is a member of the G20, the OSCE, and the APEC. Russia also takes a leading role in organisations such as the CIS,[271] the EAEU,[272] the CSTO,[273] the SCO,[274] and BRICS.[275]
Russia maintains close relations with neighbouring Belarus, which is a part of the Union State, a supranational confederation of the two states.[276] Serbia has been a historically close ally of Russia, as both countries share a strong mutual cultural, ethnic, and religious affinity.[277] India is the largest customer of Russian military equipment, and the two countries share a strong strategic and diplomatic relationship since the Soviet era.[278] Russia wields influence across the geopolitically important South Caucasus and Central Asia; and the two regions have been described as Russia's "backyard".[279][280] Russia Countries on Russia's "Unfriendly Countries List". The list includes countries that have imposed sanctions against Russia for its invasion of Ukraine.In the 21st century Russia has pursued an aggressive foreign policy aimed at securing regional dominance and international influence, as well as increasing domestic support for the government. Military intervention in the post-soviet states include a war with Georgia in 2008, and the invasion and destabilisation of Ukraine beginning in 2014. Russia has also sought to increase its influence in the Middle East, most significantly through military intervention in the Syrian civil war. Cyberwarfare and airspace violations, along with electoral interference, have been used to increase perceptions of Russian power.[281] Russia's relations with neighbouring Ukraine and the Western world—especially the United States, the European Union, the United Nations and NATO—have collapsed; especially following the start of the Russo-Ukrainian War in 2014 and the consequent escalation in 2022.[282][283] Relations between Russia and China have significantly strengthened bilaterally and economically; due to shared political interests.[284] Turkey and Russia share a complex strategic, energy, and defence relationship.[285] Russia maintains cordial relations with Iran, as it is a strategic and economic ally.[286] Russia has also increasingly pushed to expand its influence across the Arctic,[287] Asia-Pacific,[288] Africa,[289] the Middle East,[290] and Latin America.[291] According to the Economist Intelligence Unit, two-thirds of the world’s population live in countries such as China or India that are neutral or leaning towards Russia.[292]
MilitaryMain article: Russian Armed Forces
Sukhoi Su-57, a fifth-generation fighter of the Russian Air Force[293]The Russian Armed Forces are divided into the Ground Forces, the Navy, and the Aerospace Forces—and there are also two independent arms of service: the Strategic Missile Troops and the Airborne Troops.[10] As of 2021, the military have around a million active-duty personnel, which is the world's fifth-largest, and about 2–20 million reserve personnel.[294][295] It is mandatory for all male citizens aged 18–27 to be drafted for a year of service in the Armed Forces.[10]
Russia is among the five recognised nuclear-weapons states, with the world's largest stockpile of nuclear weapons; over half of the world's nuclear weapons are owned by Russia.[296] Russia possesses the second-largest fleet of ballistic missile submarines,[297] and is one of the only three countries operating strategic bombers.[298] Russia maintains the world's third-highest military expenditure, spending $86.4 billion in 2022, corresponding to around 4.1% of its GDP.[299] In 2021 it was the world's second-largest arms exporter, and had a large and entirely indigenous defence industry, producing most of its own military equipment.[300]
Human rights and corruptionMain articles: Human rights in Russia and Corruption in Russia
Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, anti-war protests broke out across Russia. The protests have been met with widespread repression, leading to about 15,000 people being arrested.[301]Violations of human rights in Russia have been increasingly criticised by leading democracy and human rights groups. In particular, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch say that Russia is not democratic and allows few political rights and civil liberties to its citizens.[302][303]
Since 2004, Freedom House has ranked Russia as "not free" in its Freedom in the World survey.[304] Since 2011, the Economist Intelligence Unit has ranked Russia as an "authoritarian regime" in its Democracy Index, ranking it 146th out of 167 countries in 2022.[305] In regards to media freedom, Russia was ranked 155th out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders' Press Freedom Index for 2022.[306] The Russian government has been widely criticised by political dissidents and human rights activists for unfair elections,[307] crackdowns on opposition political parties and protests,[308][309] persecution of non-governmental organisations and enforced suppression and killings of independent journalists,[310][311][312] and censorship of mass media and internet.[313]
Russia's autocratic[314] political system has been variously described as a kleptocracy,[315] an oligarchy,[316] and a plutocracy.[317] It was the lowest rated European country in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index for 2021, ranking 136th out of 180 countries.[318] Russia has a long history of corruption, which is seen as a significant problem.[319] It impacts various sectors, including the economy,[320] business,[321] public administration,[322] law enforcement,[323] healthcare,[324][325] education,[326] and the military.[327]
Muslims, especially Salafis, have faced persecution in Russia.[328][329] To quash the insurgency in the North Caucasus, Russian authorities have been accused of indiscriminate killings,[330] arrests, forced disappearances, and torture of civilians.[331][332] In Dagestan, some Salafis along with facing government harassment based on their appearance, have had their homes blown up in counterinsurgency operations.[333][334] Chechens and Ingush in Russian prisons reportedly take more abuse than other ethnic groups.[335] During the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, Russia has set up filtration camps where many Ukrainians are subjected to abuses and forcibly sent to Russia; the camps have been compared to those used in the Chechen Wars.[336][337]
Law and crimeMain articles: Law of Russia and Crime in RussiaThe primary and fundamental statement of laws in Russia is the Constitution of the Russian Federation. Statutes, like the Russian Civil Code and the Russian Criminal Code, are the predominant legal sources of Russian law.[338][339][340]
Russia has the world's second largest illegal arms trade market, after the United States, is ranked first in Europe and 32nd globally in the Global Organized Crime Index, and is among the countries with the highest number of people in prison.[341][342][343]
EconomyMain article: Economy of RussiaFurther information: Economic history of the Russian Federation and Taxation in Russia
The Moscow International Business Centre in Moscow. The city has one of the world's largest urban economies.[344]Russia has a market economy, with enormous natural resources, particularly oil and natural gas.[345] It has the world's ninth-largest economy by nominal GDP and the sixth-largest by PPP. The large service sector accounts for 62% of total GDP, followed by the industrial sector (32%), while the agricultural sector is the smallest, making up only 5% of total GDP.[10] Russia has a low official unemployment rate of 4.1%.[346] Its foreign exchange reserves are the world's fifth-largest, worth $540 billion.[347] It has a labour force of roughly 70 million, which is the world's sixth-largest.[348]
Russia is the world's thirteenth-largest exporter and the 21st-largest importer.[349][350] It relies heavily on revenues from oil and gas-related taxes and export tariffs, which accounted for 45% of Russia's federal budget revenues in January 2022,[351] and up to 60% of its exports in 2019.[352] Russia has one of the lowest levels of external debt among major economies,[353] although its inequality of household income and wealth is one of the highest among developed countries.[354] High regional disparity is also an issue.[355][356]
After over a decade of post-Soviet rapid economic growth, backed by high oil-prices and a surge in foreign exchange reserves and investment,[191] Russia's economy was damaged following the start of the Russo-Ukrainian War and the annexation of Crimea in 2014, due to the first wave of Western sanctions being imposed.[357] In the aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the country has faced revamped sanctions and corporate boycotts,[358] becoming the most sanctioned country in the world,[359] in a move described as an "all-out economic and financial war" to isolate the Russian economy from the Western financial system.[202] Due to the impact, the Russian government has stopped publishing a raft of economic data since April 2022.[360] Economists suggest the sanctions will have a long-term effect over the Russian economy.[361]
Transport and energyMain articles: Transport in Russia and Energy in Russia
The Trans-Siberian Railway is the longest railway line in the world, connecting Moscow to Vladivostok.[362]Railway transport in Russia is mostly under the control of the state-run Russian Railways. The total length of common-used railway tracks is the world's third-longest, and exceeds 87,000 km (54,100 mi).[363] As of 2016, Russia has the world's fifth-largest road network, with 1.5 million km of roads,[364] while its road density is among the world's lowest.[365] Russia's inland waterways are the world's longest, and total 102,000 km (63,380 mi).[366] Among Russia's 1,218 airports,[367] the busiest is Sheremetyevo International Airport in Moscow. Russia's largest port is the Port of Novorossiysk in Krasnodar Krai along the Black Sea.[368]
Russia was widely described as an energy superpower.[369] It has the world's largest proven gas reserves,[370] the second-largest coal reserves,[371] the eighth-largest oil reserves,[372] and the largest oil shale reserves in Europe.[373] Russia is also the world's leading natural gas exporter,[374] the second-largest natural gas producer,[375] and the second-largest oil producer and exporter.[376][377] Russia's oil and gas production led to deep economic relationships with the European Union, China, and former Soviet and Eastern Bloc states.[378][379] For example, over the last decade, Russia's share of supplies to total European Union (including the United Kingdom) gas demand increased from 25% in 2009 to 32% in the weeks before the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.[379]
In the mid-2000s, the share of the oil and gas sector in GDP was around 20%, and in 2013 it was 20–21% of GDP.[380] The share of oil and gas in Russia's exports (about 50%) and federal budget revenues (about 50%) is large, and the dynamics of Russia's GDP are highly dependent on oil and gas prices,[381] but the share in GDP is much less than 50%. According to the first such comprehensive assessment published by the Russian statistics agency Rosstat in 2021, the maximum total share of the oil and gas sector in Russia's GDP, including extraction, refining, transport, sale of oil and gas, all goods and services used, and all supporting activities, amounts to 19.2% in 2019 and 15.2% in 2020. This is comparable to the share of GDP in Norway and Kazakhstan. It is much lower than the share of GDP in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab ratified the Paris Agreement in 2019.[387] Greenhouse gas emissions by Russia are the world's fourth-largest.[388] Russia is the world's fourth-largest electricity producer.[389] It was also the world's first country to develop civilian nuclear power, and to construct the world's first nuclear power plant.[390] Russia was also the world's fourth-largest nuclear energy producer in 2019,[391] and was the fifth-largest hydroelectric producer in 2021.[392]
Agriculture and fisheryMain articles: Agriculture in Russia and Fishing industry in Russia
Wheat in Tomsk Oblast, SiberiaRussia's agriculture sector contributes about 5% of the country's total GDP, although the sector employs about one-eighth of the total labour force.[393] It has the world's third-largest cultivated area, at 1,265,267 square kilometres (488,522 sq mi). However, due to the harshness of its environment, about 13.1% of its land is agricultural,[10] and only 7.4% of its land is arable.[394] The country's agricultural land is considered part of the "breadbasket" of Europe.[395] More than one-third of the sown area is devoted to fodder crops, and the remaining farmland is devoted to industrial crops, vegetables, and fruits.[393] The main product of Russian farming has always been grain, which occupies considerably more than half of the cropland.[393] Russia is the world's largest exporter of wheat,[396][397] the largest producer of barley and buckwheat, among the largest exporters of maize and sunflower oil, and the leading producer of fertilizer.[398]
Various analysts of climate change adaptation foresee large opportunities for Russian agriculture during the rest of the 21st century as arability increases in Siberia, which would lead to both internal and external migration to the region.[399] Owing to its large coastline along three oceans and twelve marginal seas, Russia maintains the world's sixth-largest fishing industry; capturing nearly 5 million tons of fish in 2018.[400] It is home to the world's finest caviar, the beluga; and produces about one-third of all canned fish, and some one-fourth of the world's total fresh and frozen fish.[393]
Science and technologyMain article: Science and technology in RussiaSee also: Timeline of Russian innovation, List of Russian scientists, and List of Russian inventors
Mikhail Lomonosov (1711–1765), polymath scientist, inventor, poet and artistRussia spent about 1% of its GDP on research and development in 2019, with the world's tenth-highest budget.[401] It also ranked tenth worldwide in the number of scientific publications in 2020, with roughly 1.3 million papers.[402] Since 1904, Nobel Prize were awarded to 26 Soviets and Russians in physics, chemistry, medicine, economy, literature and peace.[403] Russia ranked 45th in the Global Innovation Index in 2021.[404]
Since the times of Nikolay Lobachevsky, who pioneered the non-Euclidean geometry, and Pafnuty Chebyshev, a prominent tutor; Russian mathematicians became among the world's most influential.[405] Dmitry Mendeleev invented the Periodic table, the main framework of modern chemistry.[406] Nine Soviet and Russian mathematicians have been awarded with the Fields Medal. Grigori Perelman was offered the first ever Clay Millennium Prize Problems Award for his final proof of the Poincaré conjecture in 2002, as well as the Fields Medal in 2006.[407]
Alexander Popov was among the inventors of radio,[408] while Nikolai Basov and Alexander Prokhorov were co-inventors of laser and maser.[409] Oleg Losev made crucial contributions in the field of semiconductor junctions, and discovered light-emitting diodes.[410] Vladimir Vernadsky is considered one of the founders of geochemistry, biogeochemistry, and radiogeology.[411] Élie Metchnikoff is known for his groundbreaking research in immunology.[412] Ivan Pavlov is known chiefly for his work in classical conditioning.[413] Lev Landau made fundamental contributions to many areas of theoretical physics.[414]
Nikolai Vavilov was best known for having identified the centres of origin of cultivated plants.[415] Trofim Lysenko was known mainly for Lysenkoism.[416] Many famous Russian scientists and inventors were émigrés. Igor Sikorsky was an aviation pioneer.[417] Vladimir Zworykin was the inventor of the iconoscope and kinescope television systems.[418] Theodosius Dobzhansky was the central figure in the field of evolutionary biology for his work in shaping the modern synthesis.[419] George Gamow was one of the foremost advocates of the Big Bang theory.[420]
Space explorationRoscosmos is Russia's national space agency. The country's achievements in the field of space technology and space exploration can be traced back to Konstantin Tsiolkovsky, the father of theoretical astronautics, whose works had inspired leading Soviet rocket engineers, such as Sergey Korolyov, Valentin Glushko, and many others who contributed to the success of the Soviet space program in the early stages of the Space Race and beyond.[421]: 6–7, 333
In 1957, the first Earth-orbiting artificial satellite, Sputnik 1, was launched. In 1961, the first human trip into space was successfully made by Yuri Gagarin. Many other Soviet and Russian space exploration records ensued. In 1963, Valentina Tereshkova became the first and youngest woman in space, having flown a solo mission on Vostok 6.[422] In 1965, Alexei Leonov became the first human to conduct a spacewalk, exiting the space capsule during Voskhod 2.[423]
In 1957, Laika, a Soviet space dog, became the first animal to orbit the Earth, aboard Sputnik 2.[424] In 1966, Luna 9 became the first spacecraft to achieve a survivable landing on a celestial body, the Moon.[425] In 1968, Zond 5 brought the first Earthlings (two tortoises and other life forms) to circumnavigate the Moon.[426] In 1970, Venera 7 became the first spacecraft to land on another planet, Venus.[427] In 1971, Mars 3 became the first spacecraft to land on Mars.[428]: 34–60 During the same period, Lunokhod 1 became the first space exploration rover,[429] while Salyut 1 became the world's first space station.[430] Russia had 172 active satellites in space in April 2022, the world's third-highest.[431]
TourismMain article: Tourism in Russia
Peterhof Palace in Saint Petersburg, a UNESCO World Heritage SiteAccording to the World Tourism Organization, Russia was the sixteenth-most visited country in the world, and the tenth-most visited country in Europe, in 2018, with over 24.6 million visits.[432] According to Federal Agency for Tourism, the number of inbound trips of foreign citizens to Russia amounted to 24.4 million in 2019.[433] Russia's international tourism receipts in 2018 amounted to $11.6 billion.[432] In 2019, travel and tourism accounted for about 4.8% of country's total GDP.[434]
Major tourist routes in Russia include a journey around the Golden Ring of Russia, a theme route of ancient Russian cities, cruises on large rivers such as the Volga, hikes on mountain ranges such as the Caucasus Mountains,[435] and journeys on the famous Trans-Siberian Railway.[436] Russia's most visited and popular landmarks include Red Square, the Peterhof Palace, the Kazan Kremlin, the Trinity Lavra of St. Sergius and Lake Baikal.[437]
Moscow, the nation's cosmopolitan capital and historic core, is a bustling megacity. It retains its classical and Soviet-era architecture; while boasting high art, world class ballet, and modern skyscrapers.[438] Saint Petersburg, the Imperial capital, is famous for its classical architecture, cathedrals, museums and theatres, white nights, criss-crossing rivers and numerous canals.[439] Russia is famed worldwide for its rich museums, such as the State Russian, the State Hermitage, and the Tretyakov Gallery; and for theatres such as the Bolshoi and the Mariinsky. The Moscow Kremlin and the Saint Basil's Cathedral are among the cultural landmarks of Russia.[440]
DemographicsMain articles: Demographics of Russia, Russians, List of cities and towns in Russia, and List of cities and towns in Russia by populationEthnic groups across Russia
Ethnic groups in Russia with a population of over 1 million according to the 2010 census
Percentage of ethnic Russians by region according to the 2010 censusRussia is one of the world's most sparsely populated and urbanised countries,[10] with the vast majority of its population concentrated within its western part.[441] It had a population of 142.8 million according to the 2010 census,[442] which rose to roughly 145.5 million as of 2022.[15][clarification needed] Russia is the most populous country in Europe, and the world's ninth most populous country, with a population density of 9 inhabitants per square kilometre (23 inhabitants/sq mi).[443]
Since the 1990s, Russia's death rate has exceeded its birth rate, which some analysts have called a demographic crisis.[444] In 2019, the total fertility rate across Russia was estimated to be 1.5 children born per woman,[445] which is below the replacement rate of 2.1, and is one of the world's lowest fertility rates.[446] Subsequently, the nation has one of the world's oldest populations, with a median age of 40.3 years.[10] In 2009, it recorded annual population growth for the first time in fifteen years, and subsequently experienced annual population growth due to declining death rates, increased birth rates, and increased immigration.[447]
However, since 2020, Russia's population gains have been reversed, as excessive deaths from the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in its largest peacetime decline in history.[448] Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, the demographic crisis in the country has deepened,[449] as the country has reportedly suffered high military fatalities while facing renewed brain drain and human capital flight caused by Western mass-sanctions and boycotts.[450]
Russia is a multinational state with many subnational entities associated with different minorities.[451] There are over 193 ethnic groups nationwide. In the 2010 census, roughly 81% of the population were ethnic Russians, and the remaining 19% of the population were ethnic minorities;[452] while over four-fifths of Russia's population was of European descent—of whom the vast majority were Slavs,[453] with a substantial minority of Finnic and Germanic peoples.[454][455] According to the United Nations, Russia's immigrant population is the world's third-largest, numbering over 11.6 million;[456] most of which are from post-Soviet states, mainly from Central Asia.[457]vteLargest cities or towns in Russia2021 Census[458]Rank Name Federal subject Pop. Rank Name Federal subject Pop. MoscowMoscowSaint PetersburgSaint Petersburg 1 Moscow Moscow 13,010,112 11 Rostov-on-Don Rostov Oblast 1,142,162 Saint Petersburg Saint Petersburg 5,601,911 12 Omsk Omsk Oblast 1,125,6953 Novosibirsk Novosibirsk Oblast 1,633,595 13 Krasnodar Krasnodar Krai 1,099,3444 Yekaterinburg Sverdlovsk Oblast 1,544,376 14 Voronezh Voronezh Oblast 1,057,6815 Kazan Tatarstan 1,308,660 15 Perm Perm Krai 1,034,0026 Nizhny Novgorod Nizhny Novgorod Oblast 1,228,199 16 Volgograd Volgograd Oblast 1,028,0367 Chelyabinsk Chelyabinsk Oblast 1,189,525 17 Saratov Saratov Oblast 901,3618 Krasnoyarsk Krasnoyarsk Krai 1,187,771 18 Tyumen Tyumen Oblast 847,4889 Samara Samara Oblast 1,173,299 19 Tolyatti Samara Oblast 684,70910 Ufa Bashkortostan 1,144,809 20 Barnaul Altai Krai 630,877LanguageMain articles: Russian language and Languages of RussiaMinority languages across Russia
Altaic and Uralic languages spoken across Russia
The North Caucasus is ethno-linguistically diverse.[459]Russian is the official and the predominantly spoken language in Russia.[3] It is the most spoken native language in Europe, the most geographically widespread language of Eurasia, as well as the world's most widely spoken Slavic language.[460] Russian is one of two official languages aboard the International Space Station,[461] as well as one of the six official languages of the United Nations.[460]
Russia is a multilingual nation; approximately 100–150 minority languages are spoken across the country.[462][463] According to the Russian Census of 2010, 137.5 million across the country spoke Russian, 4.3 million spoke Tatar, and 1.1 million spoke Ukrainian.[464] The constitution gives the country's individual republics the right to establish their own state languages in addition to Russian, as well as guarantee its citizens the right to preserve their native language and to create conditions for its study and development.[465] However, various experts have claimed Russia's linguistic diversity is rapidly declining due to many languages becoming endangered.[466][467]
ReligionMain article: Religion in Russia
Saint Basil's Cathedral in Moscow is the most iconic religious architecture of Russia.Russia is a secular state by constitution, and its largest religion is Eastern Orthodox Christianity, chiefly represented by the Russian Orthodox Church.[7] Orthodox Christianity, together with Islam, Buddhism, and Paganism (either preserved or revived), are recognised by Russian law as the traditional religions of the country, part of its "historical heritage".[468][469]
Islam is the second-largest religion in Russia, and is the traditional religion among the majority of the peoples of the North Caucasus, and among some Turkic peoples scattered along the Volga-Ural region.[7] Large populations of Buddhists are found in Kalmykia, Buryatia, Zabaykalsky Krai, and they are the vast majority of the population in Tuva.[7] Many Russians practise other religions, including Rodnovery (Slavic Neopaganism),[470] Assianism (Scythian Neopaganism),[471] other ethnic Paganisms, and inter-Pagan movements such as Ringing Cedars' Anastasianism,[472] various movements of Hinduism,[473] Siberian shamanism[474] and Tengrism, various Neo-Theosophical movements such as Roerichism, and other faiths.[475][476] Some religious minorities have faced oppression and some have been banned in the country;[477] notably, in 2017 the Jehovah's Witnesses were outlawed in Russia, facing persecution ever since, after having been declared an "extremist" and "nontraditional" faith.[478]
In 2012, the research organisation Sreda, in cooperation with the Ministry of Justice, published the Arena Atlas, an adjunct to the 2010 census, enumerating in detail the religious populations and nationalities of Russia, based on a large-sample country-wide survey. The results showed that 47.3% of Russians declared themselves Christians—including 41% Russian Orthodox, 1.5% simply Orthodox or members of non-Russian Orthodox churches, 4.1% unaffiliated Christians, and less than 1% Old Believers, Catholics or Protestants—25% were believers without affiliation to any specific religion, 13% were atheists, 6.5% were Muslims,[b] 1.2% were followers of "traditional religions honouring gods and ancestors" (Rodnovery, other Paganisms, Siberian shamanism and Tengrism), 0.5% were Buddhists, 0.1% were religious Jews and 0.1% were Hindus.[7]
EducationMain article: Education in Russia
Moscow State University, the most prestigious educational institution in Russia[479]Russia has an adult literacy rate of 100%,[480] and has compulsory education for a duration of 11 years, exclusively for children aged 7 to 17–18.[481] It grants free education to its citizens by constitution.[482] The Ministry of Education of Russia is responsible for primary and secondary education, as well as vocational education; while the Ministry of Education and Science of Russia is responsible for science and higher education.[481] Regional authorities regulate education within their jurisdictions within the prevailing framework of federal laws. Russia is among the world's most educated countries, and has the sixth-highest proportion of tertiary-level graduates in terms of percentage of population, at 62.1%.[483] It spent roughly 4.7% of its GDP on education in 2018.[484]
Russia's pre-school education system is highly developed and optional,[485] some four-fifths of children aged 3 to 6 attend day nurseries or kindergartens. Primary school is compulsory for eleven years, starting from age 6 to 7, and leads to a basic general education certificate.[481] An additional two or three years of schooling are required for the secondary-level certificate, and some seven-eighths of Russians continue their education past this level.[486]
Admission to an institute of higher education is selective and highly competitive:[482] first-degree courses usually take five years.[486] The oldest and largest universities in Russia are Moscow State University and Saint Petersburg State University.[487] There are ten highly prestigious federal universities across the country. Russia was the world's fifth-leading destination for international students in 2019, hosting roughly 300 thousand.[488]
HealthMain article: Healthcare in Russia
Metallurg, a Soviet-era sanatorium in Sochi[489]Russia, by constitution, guarantees free, universal health care for all Russian citizens, through a compulsory state health insurance program.[490] The Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation oversees the Russian public healthcare system, and the sector employs more than two million people. Federal regions also have their own departments of health that oversee local administration. A separate private health insurance plan is needed to access private healthcare in Russia.[491]
Russia spent 5.65% of its GDP on healthcare in 2019.[492] Its healthcare expenditure is notably lower than other developed nations.[493] Russia has one of the world's most female-biased sex ratios, with 0.859 males to every female,[10] due to its high male mortality rate.[494] In 2019, the overall life expectancy in Russia at birth was 73.2 years (68.2 years for males and 78.0 years for females),[495] and it had a very low infant mortality rate (5 per 1,000 live births).[496]
The principal cause of death in Russia are cardiovascular diseases.[497] Obesity is a prevalent health issue in Russia; most adults are overweight or obese.[498] However, Russia's historically high alcohol consumption rate is the biggest health issue in the country,[499] as it remains one of the world's highest, despite a stark decrease in the last decade.[500] Smoking is another health issue in the country.[501] The country's high suicide rate, although on the decline,[502] remains a significant social issue.[503]
CultureMain article: Russian culture
The Bolshoi Theatre in Moscow, at nightRussian culture has been formed by the nation's history, its geographical location and its vast expanse, religious and social traditions, and Western influence.[504] Russian writers and philosophers have played an important role in the development of European literature and thought.[505][506] The Russians have also greatly influenced classical music,[507] ballet,[508] sport,[509] painting,[510] and cinema.[511] The nation has also made pioneering contributions to science and technology and space exploration.[512][513]
Russia is home to 30 UNESCO World Heritage Sites, 19 out of which are cultural; while 27 more sites lie on the tentative list.[514] The large global Russian diaspora has also played a major role in spreading Russian culture throughout the world. Russia's national symbol, the double-headed eagle, dates back to the Tsardom period, and is featured in its coat of arms and heraldry.[66] The Russian Bear and Mother Russia are often used as national personifications of the country.[515][516] Matryoshka dolls are considered a cultural icon of Russia.[517]
HolidaysMain article: Public holidays in Russia
The Scarlet Sails being celebrated along the Neva in Saint PetersburgRussia has eight—public, patriotic, and religious—official holidays.[518] The year starts with New Year's Day on 1 January, soon followed by Russian Orthodox Christmas on 7 January; the two are the country's most popular holidays.[519] Defender of the Fatherland Day, dedicated to men, is celebrated on 23 February.[520] International Women's Day on 8 March, gained momentum in Russia during the Soviet era. The annual celebration of women has become so popular, especially among Russian men, that Moscow's flower vendors often see profits of "15 times" more than other holidays.[521] Spring and Labour Day, originally a Soviet era holiday dedicated to workers, is celebrated on 1 May.[522]
Victory Day, which honours Soviet victory over Nazi Germany and the End of World War II in Europe, is celebrated as an annual large parade in Moscow's Red Square;[523] and marks the famous Immortal Regiment civil event.[524] Other patriotic holidays include Russia Day on 12 June, celebrated to commemorate Russia's declaration of sovereignty from the collapsing Soviet Union;[525] and Unity Day on 4 November, commemorating the 1612 uprising which marked the end of the Polish occupation of Moscow.[526]
There are many popular non-public holidays. Old New Year is celebrated on 14 January.[527] Maslenitsa is an ancient and popular East Slavic folk holiday.[528] Cosmonautics Day on 12 April, in tribute to the first human trip into space.[529] Two major Christian holidays are Easter and Trinity Sunday.[530]
Art and architectureMain articles: Russian artists, Russian architecture, and List of Russian architects
Karl Bryullov, The Last Day of Pompeii (1833)
The Winter Palace served as the official residence of the Emperor of Russia.Early Russian painting is represented in icons and vibrant frescos. In the early 15th-century, the master icon painter Andrei Rublev created some of Russia's most treasured religious art.[531] The Russian Academy of Arts, which was established in 1757, to train Russian artists, brought Western techniques of secular painting to Russia.[81] In the 18th century, academicians Ivan Argunov, Dmitry Levitzky, Vladimir Borovikovsky became influential.[532] The early 19th century saw many prominent paintings by Karl Briullov and Alexander Ivanov, both of whom were known for Romantic historical canvases.[533][534] Ivan Aivazovsky, another Romantic painter, is considered one of the greatest masters of marine art.[535]
In the 1860s, a group of critical realists (Peredvizhniki), led by Ivan Kramskoy, Ilya Repin and Vasiliy Perov broke with the academy, and portrayed the many-sided aspects of social life in paintings.[536] The turn of the 20th century saw the rise of symbolism; represented by Mikhail Vrubel and Nicholas Roerich.[537][538] The Russian avant-garde flourished from approximately 1890 to 1930; and globally influential artists from this era were El Lissitzky,[539] Kazimir Malevich, Natalia Goncharova, Wassily Kandinsky, and Marc Chagall.[540]
The history of Russian architecture begins with early woodcraft buildings of ancient Slavs, and the church architecture of Kievan Rus'.[541] Following the Christianization of Kievan Rus', for several centuries it was influenced predominantly by Byzantine architecture.[542] Aristotle Fioravanti and other Italian architects brought Renaissance trends into Russia.[543] The 16th-century saw the development of the unique tent-like churches; and the onion dome design, which is a distinctive feature of Russian architecture.[544] In the 17th-century, the "fiery style" of ornamentation flourished in Moscow and Yaroslavl, gradually paving the way for the Naryshkin baroque of the 1680s.[545]
After the reforms of Peter the Great, Russia's architecture became influenced by Western European styles. The 18th-century taste for Rococo architecture led to the splendid works of Bartolomeo Rastrelli and his followers. The most influential Russian architects of the eighteenth century; Vasily Bazhenov, Matvey Kazakov, and Ivan Starov, created lasting monuments in Moscow and Saint Petersburg and established a base for the more Russian forms that followed.[531] During the reign of Catherine the Great, Saint Petersburg was transformed into an outdoor museum of Neoclassical architecture.[546] Under Alexander I, Empire style became the de facto architectural style.[547] The second half of the 19th-century was dominated by the Neo-Byzantine and Russian Revival style.[548] In early 20th-century, Russian neoclassical revival became a trend.[549] Prevalent styles of the late 20th-century were Art Nouveau,[550] Constructivism,[551] and Socialist Classicism.[552]
MusicMain article: Music of Russia
Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky (1840–1893), in a 1893 painting by Nikolai Dmitriyevich KuznetsovUntil the 18th-century, music in Russia consisted mainly of church music and folk songs and dances.[553] In the 19th-century, it was defined by the tension between classical composer Mikhail Glinka along with other members of The Mighty Handful, who were later succeeded by the Belyayev circle,[554] and the Russian Musical Society led by composers Anton and Nikolay Rubinstein.[555] The later tradition of Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky, one of the greatest composers of the Romantic era, was continued into the 20th century by Sergei Rachmaninoff. World-renowned composers of the 20th century include Alexander Scriabin, Alexander Glazunov,[553] Igor Stravinsky, Sergei Prokofiev and Dmitri Shostakovich, and later Edison Denisov, Sofia Gubaidulina,[556] Georgy Sviridov,[557] and Alfred Schnittke.[556]
During the Soviet era, popular music also produced a number of renowned figures, such as the two balladeers—Vladimir Vysotsky and Bulat Okudzhava,[556] and performers such as Alla Pugacheva.[558] Jazz, even with sanctions from Soviet authorities, flourished and evolved into one of the country's most popular musical forms.[556] By the 1980s, rock music became popular across Russia, and produced bands such as Aria, Aquarium,[559] DDT,[560] and Kino;[561] the latter's leader Viktor Tsoi, was in particular, a gigantic figure.[562] Pop music has continued to flourish in Russia since the 1960s, with globally famous acts such as t.A.T.u.[563]
Literature and philosophyMain articles: Russian literature and Russian philosophy
Leo Tolstoy (1828–1910), is regarded as one of the greatest authors of all time, with works such as War and Peace.[564]
Fyodor Dostoevsky (1821–1881), one of the great novelists of all time, whose masterpieces include Crime and Punishment[565]Russian literature is considered to be among the world's most influential and developed.[505] It can be traced to the Middle Ages, when epics and chronicles in Old East Slavic were composed.[566] By the Age of Enlightenment, literature had grown in importance, with works from Mikhail Lomonosov, Denis Fonvizin, Gavrila Derzhavin, and Nikolay Karamzin.[567] From the early 1830s, during the Golden Age of Russian Poetry, literature underwent an astounding golden age in poetry, prose and drama.[568] Romanticism permitted a flowering of poetic talent: Vasily Zhukovsky and later his protégé Alexander Pushkin came to the fore.[569] Following Pushkin's footsteps, a new generation of poets were born, including Mikhail Lermontov, Nikolay Nekrasov, Aleksey Konstantinovich Tolstoy, Fyodor Tyutchev and Afanasy Fet.[567]
The first great Russian novelist was Nikolai Gogol.[570] Then came Ivan Turgenev, who mastered both short stories and novels.[571] Fyodor Dostoevsky and Leo Tolstoy soon became internationally renowned. Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin wrote prose satire,[572] while Nikolai Leskov is best remembered for his shorter fiction.[573] In the second half of the century Anton Chekhov excelled in short stories and became a leading dramatist.[574] Other important 19th-century developments included the fabulist Ivan Krylov,[575] non-fiction writers such as the critic Vissarion Belinsky,[576] and playwrights such as Aleksandr Griboyedov and Aleksandr Ostrovsky.[577][578] The beginning of the 20th century ranks as the Silver Age of Russian Poetry. This era had poets such as Alexander Blok, Anna Akhmatova, Boris Pasternak, and Konstantin Balmont.[579] It also produced some first-rate novelists and short-story writers, such as Aleksandr Kuprin, Nobel Prize winner Ivan Bunin, Leonid Andreyev, Yevgeny Zamyatin, Dmitry Merezhkovsky and Andrei Bely.[567]
After the Russian Revolution of 1917, Russian literature split into Soviet and white émigré parts. In the 1930s, Socialist realism became the predominant trend in Russia. Its leading figure was Maxim Gorky, who laid the foundations of this style.[580] Mikhail Bulgakov was one of the leading writers of the Soviet era.[581] Nikolay Ostrovsky's novel How the Steel Was Tempered has been among the most successful works of Russian literature. Influential émigré writers include Vladimir Nabokov,[582] and Isaac Asimov; who was considered one of the "Big Three" science fiction writers.[583] Some writers dared to oppose Soviet ideology, such as Nobel Prize-winning novelist Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, who wrote about life in the Gulag camps.[584]
Russian philosophy has been greatly influential. Alexander Herzen is known as one of the fathers of agrarian populism.[585] Mikhail Bakunin is referred to as the father of anarchism.[586] Peter Kropotkin was the most important theorist of anarcho-communism.[587] Mikhail Bakhtin's writings have significantly inspired scholars.[588] Helena Blavatsky gained international following as the leading theoretician of Theosophy, and co-founded the Theosophical Society.[589] Vladimir Lenin, a major revolutionary, developed a variant of communism known as Leninism.[590] Leon Trotsky, on the other hand, founded Trotskyism.[591] Alexander Zinoviev was a prominent philosopher in the second half of the 20th century.[592] Aleksandr Dugin, known for his fascist views, has been regarded as the "guru of geopolitics".[593]
CuisineSee also: Russian cuisine
Kvass is an ancient and traditional Russian beverage.Russian cuisine has been formed by climate, cultural and religious traditions, and the vast geography of the nation; and it shares similarities with the cuisines of its neighbouring countries. Crops of rye, wheat, barley, and millet provide the ingredients for various breads, pancakes and cereals, as well as for many drinks. Bread, of many varieties,[594] is very popular across Russia.[595] Flavourful soups and stews include shchi, borsch, ukha, solyanka, and okroshka. Smetana (a heavy sour cream) and mayonnaise are often added to soups and salads.[596][597] Pirozhki,[598] blini,[599] and syrniki are native types of pancakes.[600] Beef Stroganoff,[601]: 266 Chicken Kiev,[601]: 320 pelmeni,[602] and shashlyk are popular meat dishes.[603] Other meat dishes include stuffed cabbage rolls (golubtsy) usually filled with meat.[604] Salads include Olivier salad,[605] vinegret,[606] and dressed herring.[607]
Russia's national non-alcoholic drink is kvass,[608] and the national alcoholic drink is vodka; its creation in the nation dates back to the 14th century.[609] The country has the world's highest vodka consumption,[610] while beer is the most popular alcoholic beverage.[611] Wine has become increasingly popular in Russia in the 21st century.[612] Tea has been popular in Russia for centuries.[613]
Mass media and cinemaMain articles: Media of Russia and Cinema of Russia
Ostankino Tower in Moscow, the tallest freestanding structure in Europe[614]There are 400 news agencies in Russia, among which the largest internationally operating are TASS, RIA Novosti, Sputnik, and Interfax.[615] Television is the most popular medium in Russia.[616] Among the 3,000 licensed radio stations nationwide, notable ones include Radio Rossii, Vesti FM, Echo of Moscow, Radio Mayak, and Russkoye Radio. Of the 16,000 registered newspapers, Argumenty i Fakty, Komsomolskaya Pravda, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Izvestia, and Moskovskij Komsomolets are popular. State-run Channel One and Russia-1 are the leading news channels, while RT is the flagship of Russia's international media operations.[616] Russia has the largest video gaming market in Europe, with over 65 million players nationwide.[617]
Russian and later Soviet cinema was a hotbed of invention, resulting in world-renowned films such as The Battleship Potemkin, which was named the greatest film of all time at the Brussels World's Fair in 1958.[618][619] Soviet-era filmmakers, most notably Sergei Eisenstein and Andrei Tarkovsky, would go on to become among of the world's most innovative and influential directors.[620][621] Eisenstein was a student of Lev Kuleshov, who developed the groundbreaking Soviet montage theory of film editing at the world's first film school, the All-Union Institute of Cinematography.[622] Dziga Vertov's "Kino-Eye" theory had a huge impact on the development of documentary filmmaking and cinema realism.[623] Many Soviet socialist realism films were artistically successful, including Chapaev, The Cranes Are Flying, and Ballad of a Soldier.[511]
The 1960s and 1970s saw a greater variety of artistic styles in Soviet cinema.[511] The comedies of Eldar Ryazanov and Leonid Gaidai of that time were immensely popular, with many of the catchphrases still in use today.[624][625] In 1961–68 Sergey Bondarchuk directed an Oscar-winning film adaptation of Leo Tolstoy's epic War and Peace, which was the most expensive film made in the Soviet Union.[511] In 1969, Vladimir Motyl's White Sun of the Desert was released, a very popular film in a genre of ostern; the film is traditionally watched by cosmonauts before any trip into space.[626] After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Russian cinema industry suffered large losses—however, since the late 2000s, it has seen growth once again, and continues to expand.[627]
SportsMain article: Sport in Russia
Maria Sharapova, former world No. 1 tennis player, was the world's highest-paid female athlete for 11 consecutive years.[628]Football is the most popular sport in Russia.[629] The Soviet Union national football team became the first European champions by winning Euro 1960,[630] and reached the finals of Euro 1988.[631] Russian clubs CSKA Moscow and Zenit Saint Petersburg won the UEFA Cup in 2005 and 2008.[632][633] The Russian national football team reached the semi-finals of Euro 2008.[634] Russia was the host nation for the 2017 FIFA Confederations Cup,[635] and the 2018 FIFA World Cup.[636] However, Russian teams are currently suspended from FIFA and UEFA competitions.[637]
Ice hockey is very popular in Russia, and the Soviet national ice hockey team dominated the sport internationally throughout its existence.[509] Bandy is Russia's national sport, and it has historically been the highest-achieving country in the sport.[638] The Russian national basketball team won the EuroBasket 2007,[639] and the Russian basketball club PBC CSKA Moscow is among the most successful European basketball teams.[640] The annual Formula One Russian Grand Prix was held at the Sochi Autodrom in the Sochi Olympic Park, until its termination following the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022.[641][642]
Historically, Russian athletes have been one of the most successful contenders in the Olympic Games.[509] Russia is the leading nation in rhythmic gymnastics; and Russian synchronised swimming is considered to be the world's best.[643] Figure skating is another popular sport in Russia, especially pair skating and ice dancing.[644] Russia has produced numerous prominent tennis players.[645] Chess is also a widely popular pastime in the nation, with many of the world's top chess players being Russian for decades.[646] The 1980 Summer Olympic Games were held in Moscow,[647] and the 2014 Winter Olympics and the 2014 Winter Paralympics were hosted in Sochi.[648][649] However, Russia has also had 43 Olympic medals stripped from its athletes due to doping violations, which is the most of any country, and nearly a third of the global total.[650]
See alsoflag Russia portalOutline of RussiaNotesCrimea, which was annexed by Russia in 2014, remains internationally recognised as a part of Ukraine.[1] Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia oblasts, which were annexed—though are only partially occupied—in 2022, also remain internationally recognised as a part of Ukraine. The southernmost Kuril Islands have been the subject of a territorial dispute with Japan since their occupation by the Soviet Union at the end of World War II.[2]The Sreda Arena Atlas 2012 did not count the populations of two federal subjects of Russia where the majority of the population is Muslim, namely Chechnya and Ingushetia, which together had a population of nearly 2 million, thus the proportion of Muslims was possibly slightly underestimated.[7]Russian: Российская Федерация, tr. Rossiyskaya Federatsiya, IPA: [rɐˈsʲijskəjə fʲɪdʲɪˈratsɨjə]Russia shares land borders with fourteen sovereign states:[19] Norway and Finland to the northwest; Estonia, Latvia, Belarus and Ukraine to the west, as well as Lithuania and Poland (with Kaliningrad Oblast); Georgia and Azerbaijan to the southwest; Kazakhstan and Mongolia to the south; China and North Korea to the southeast—as well as sharing maritime boundaries with Japan and the United States. Russia also shares borders with the two partially recognised breakaway states of South Ossetia and Abkhazia that it occupies in Georgia.Most notably the Budyonnovsk hospital hostage crisis, the Russian apartment bombings, the Moscow theater hostage crisis, and the Beslan school siegeRussia has an additional 850 km (530 mi) of coastline along the Caspian Sea, which is the world's largest inland body of water, and has been variously classified as a sea or a lake.[216]Russia, by land area, is larger than the continents of Australia, Antarctica, and Europe; although it covers a large part of the latter itself. Its land area could be roughly compared to that of South America.Russia borders, clockwise, to its southwest: the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov, to its west: the Baltic Sea, to its north: the Barents Sea (White Sea, Pechora Sea), the Kara Sea, the Laptev Sea, and the East Siberian Sea, to its northeast: the Chukchi Sea and the Bering Sea, and to its southeast: the Sea of Okhotsk and the Sea of Japan.In 2020, constitutional amendments were signed into law that limit the president to two terms overall rather than two consecutive terms, with this limit reset for current and previous presidents.[251]Including bodies on territory disputed between Russia and Ukraine whose annexation has not been internationally recognised: the Republic of Crimea and the federal city of Sevastopol since the annexation of Crimea in 2014,[1] and territories set up following the Russian annexation of Donetsk, Kherson, Luhansk and Zaporizhzhia oblasts in 2022.SourcesThis article incorporates text from a free content work. Licensed under CC BY 4.0 (license statement/permission). Text taken from Frequently Asked Questions on Energy Security, International Energy Agency, the International Energy Agency. To learn how to add open license text to Wikipedia articles, please see this how-to page. For information on reusing text from Wikipedia, please see the terms of use.Andrey Andreyevich GROMYKO(phonetic: gruhMIKuh)Member, politburo,CPSU central Committee; Ministerof Foreign AffairsAddressed as:Mr. Minister .\ ''"",;;'USSR. "'- ::-,' - :'\ , . .. . • ' Andrey Gromyko,manager of one of th~'world's largest Foreign service bureaucracies, is the mostsenior diplomatic leader among the majorpowers. Appointed in 1957, he is the firstSoviet Foreign Minister to have receive'd all ofhis,dip19matic training under the communistregime. During his rise to the top of his profession, he has held some of his government'sroost demanding foreign posts: Ambassador to theunited States, Ambassador to Great 'Britain and Pe~anent Representative to tlie united Nations.To the politburoIBis ability and diligence were rewardedL1-n-~--lP-r~il~l~9~73, when he became ,the 'fifth soviet . Foreign Minister--and the first career diplomat-to be elected to the ruling Politburo of the Communist party of the soviet union (CPSU) .. Theearlier Foreign Ministers on that body (Leon Trotskiy, .Vyacheslav Molotov, Audrey vyshinskiy and Dmitriy Shepilov) were either old Bolsheviksor party bureaucrats.The full significance of Gromyko·s appointmentas it relates to a political realignment in theKremlin.is still not apparent. The most immediateOICLASS!flED· E,Q. 12958 SEC. 3.1 .wmt POi1TV'[':: C'f"v",,,::r ..' fI---------'-------~~----.:..:---~E.O. '! Z5~: S~~--------.'
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Born on 18 July 1909 in a rural districtnear Gomel', Belorussian SSR, Andrey AndreyevichGromyko rose from obscurity because of his. abilityto· absorb the education that was available underthe new Soviet regime. The son of semiliteratepeasants, he began his studies at an agricultural sc.iool in Gomel l , went on to the Borisov Pedagogical Institute, and then attended the MinskInstitute of Agricultu.ral Science.. Gromyko then went to Moscow to con:tinue hiseducation." He studied at the Institute of Economics and was awarded a candidate of economicsciences degree in 1936; by which time he was also secre~ary of ~he editorial board of the USSR'snational economic journal, Voprosy Ekonomiki . (Problems of Economics). He served as a senior'instructor at the Institute of Economics from1936 to 1939. Gromyko apparently never lost hisinterest in economics. Two decades later, betweenthe Foreign Service assignments of his new career,he earned a doctorate of economic sciences.The Economist Becomes
an Instant Diplomat
In 1939 Gromyko joined the Foreign Service,became chief of the American Countries Divisionof the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs,and was assigned to ~'1ashingtonas Counselor of . .the Soviet Embassy_ He had never been abroadbefore and spoke no English/ but 4 years later,at the age of 34, he succeeded 11aksim Litvinov asAmbassador to the United States•. - 2 ...--. { , . ~ .'""'..;.'..•• In 1946 Gromyko was appointed a Deputy ForeignMinister and the Permanent Representative to theUnited Nations, where he gained international notoriety through his frequent vetoes and IIwa~kouts"in support of the USSR's policies. During the1946-49 period he attended most of the importantconferences of the time, including those held atYalta, Dumbarton Oaks, San Francisco, London,Berlin and Geneva.In 1949 Grornyko was recalled to Moscow andappointed First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs.He held that position until 1957, with the excep tion of a period from 1952 to 1953, when he servedas Ambassador to the: United Kingdom. I I { IGromyko I s assignment toLondon was not a setback for him personally butwas part of an effort by the USSR to strengthenrelations with the United Kingdom while weakeningBritish ties with the Uni ted States. At any rate,Moscow did not name a replacement for Gromyko as . First Deputy Foreign Minister in. 1952, and heresumed ·that post when he returned in 1953.As Foreign MinisterAs a major spokesman on Soviet foreign policy·since becoming Foreign Minister in 1957 1 Gromykohas led an extremely a9tive professional life. Hehas participated in numerous international conferences and bilateral negotiations, and he has headedthe.Soviet delegation to the UN General Assemblyevery year since 1962. He accompanied Khrushchev.and later Kosygin and Brezhnev on almost all oftheir. visits abroad. Grornyko headed the Soviet·delegation during the tripartite talks leading tothe signing in August 1963 of a nuclear test banagreement. In Aprii i965 he. visited Paris, paving the way for closer Franco-Soviet relations.In 1969, in a speech given before .the USSR Supremesoviet, he was the first high-level soviet official to call for closer US-USSR relations. Hetook part in negotiating the Indo-soviet Friendship Treaty in 1971, and in 1972 he came to theunited States to sign the ABM Treaty.3 , '. .. ',-------I___I·#_ Gromyko participated in President'Nixon's talks,with Brezhnev in Moscow in May 1972 and in th'eUnited States in July 1973. He met with PresidentNixon and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger inWashington in February 1974 and had subsequent meetings with the Secretary in Moscow (March), Washington(March), Geneva (April), and Nicosia and Damascus (M~y).Personal Life~~~~,,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~e 1S a skilled negot1ator an a master 0 partary tactics. He has a prodigious capacity forwork, puttin in strenu~us 6-day weeks for long , rifles. He speaks fluent French and Englisharid uses American idiomatic expressions w.ith ease.Family,Gromyko is married. His wife,LidiOroitriyevnOne of the est trave eW1ves 1n e soviet leadership group, Mrs. Gromyko is,at ease among foreigners. She speaks excellentEnglish. ' Formerly a teacher, she now is primarilyoccupied with her grandchildren. She is well-readin politics and literature and is parti~larlyinterest'ed in painting.The Gromykos have 'a son and a daugblber. Theirson, Anatol!y, studied in the United States andserved at one time as a section chief at theInstitute of the USA in Moscow. He cuzxently is- 4 -", ...11...----___'
0 ·'.. ' ,I- .... a iviinister Counselor of the Soviet Embapsy inWashington. Anatoliy has been married brice andhas t~o sons--one, born in about 1959, by hisfirst ~ife, and another, born· in about 1967, byhis present wife. The Gromykos' daughter, Mi1ya,is married to Aleksandr S. Piradov, a Foreign . Ministry legal expert who is t~e Soviet PermanentRepresentative to UNESCO.. 31 May 1974
EXCHANGE OF REMARKS BYTHE HONORABLE HENRY A. KISSINGERANDFOREIGN MINISTER ANDREY GROMYKOUPON DEPARTING THE SOVIET EMBASSY, VIENNAMAY 20, 1975SECRETARY KISSINGER: The Foreign Minister and I had very good and usefuldiscussions in a cordial atmosphere. We are going to issue a communiqueat 7:00 tonight, but I can say now that \<Te agreed to meet again in thenear future for a further detailed review of the Strategic ~rms LimitationTalks, prospects of peace in the Middle East and other matters of mutualinterest.FOREIGN MINISTER GROMYKO: I agree with the Secretary. We discussedseveral problems. All of them are important. I think, I am convinced,discussion is· useful and it is necessary. We agreed, of course, to havefurther discussions with each other, how many of them we do not know,but at least one in the near future. ~QUESTION: Has any compromise been reached, sir, on the issue ofver1fication, could you tell us?FOREIGN MINISTER GROMYKO: It's·a small detail.QUESTION: Verification is a small detail?FOREIGN MINISTER GROMYKO: It's a small detail.QUESTION: It's been taken care of?SECRETARY KISSINGER: We can't go into the details of the various issuesthat were discussed but, .as I said, the talks were useful andconstructive and we will meet again in the near future to go over anyitems that will still be unresolved at that point. Thank you.QUESTION: Did you discuss the Middle East, Dr. Kissinger?SECRETARY KISSINGER: The Middle East was discussed in detail.QUESTION: Did you agree on any date for the Geneva Conference?SECRETARY KISSINGER: We will meet again before that.QUESTION: Could the next meeting be in Vienna?SECRETARY KISSINGER: It hasn't been decided yet.
Former Soviet Foreign Minister AndreiGromyko, whose 100th birthday iscommemorated this year, had several contacts with Sweden from 1948 until 1984.To Swedish diplomats he was a very wellknown figure and, I would say, a respectedstatesman. I met him on a few occasions,as described below.Andrei Gromyko’s first contact withSweden was in 1948. He was then the Soviet Representative to the United Nations.Suddenly, he had to return to Moscow forfamily reasons and boarded the SwedishAtlantic liner Gripsholm, being the fastestconnection. Had he, as originally planned,taken the Soviet ship Pobeda, he wouldhave suffered disaster, as the Pobedacaught fire in the Black Sea and many people died. Gromyko describes the incidentin his memoirs and remembers fondly theSwedish Smorgasbord served on board theship. On the way to Moscow he passedthrough Göteborg and Stockholm.1The relations between Sweden and theSoviet Union got on to a new footingwhen, in April 1956, Prime Minister TageErlander and his coalition partner Ministerfor the Interior, Gunnar Hedlund, paidan official visit to the Soviet Union – thefirst ever by a Swedish Prime Minister. AsFirst Deputy Foreign Minister, Gromykoshould have participated in this event.Substantial talks took place with the SovietGovernment, led by Nikita Khrushchevand Nikolai Bulganin, on international issues and on Swedish – Russian relations,including the well-known Raoul Wallenberg case. A year later, in February 1957,it was Gromyko who handed the SwedishAmbassador in Moscow, Mr Rolf Sohlman, a note saying that Wallenberg haddied in the Lyubyanka prison in July 1947.The Swedish Government was initially notconvinced of the truth of this informationbut arrived at the substantive conclusion40 to 50 years later that Raoul WallenbergSoviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromykoand Sweden1 Gromyko, Andrei: Memories, London 1989diskussion &debatt60KUNGL KRIGSVETENSKAPSAKADEMIENS HANDLINGAR OCH TIDSKRIFT6-2009 had indeed been executed by the MVD, asindicated by Gromyko.Prime Minister Erlander invited PrimeMinister Khrushchev to pay a return visit toSweden. The date was provisionally set for1959. However, as the time for the Sovietvisit approached in August 1959, there wasmuch agitation in Sweden, particularlyfrom the political opposition, against thevisit by the Soviet Communist leader. Thiscaused Khrushchev to cancel his visit ata late stage; he was then also engaged inplans to visit the United States. A monthlater, in September 1959, the SwedishForeign Minister Professor Östen Undén(Foreign Minister 1945-1962) and SovietForeign Minister Andrei Gromyko metin New York at a private dinner arrangedby the Swedish Secretary General of theUnited Nations, Mr Dag Hammarskjöld.Undén then asked Gromyko why Khrushchev did not carry out his visit to Sweden,Gromyko answered: We had our reasons,and with that the conversation ceased.Both Foreign Ministers were, in fact, ratheraustere personalities.2In a few years, after the Cuban MissileCrisis had been settled in 1962, the international climate improved again. The partialnuclear test ban was concluded in 1963. Inthe same year, in May, the new SwedishForeign Minister Torsten Nilsson paid avisit to Moscow for talks with ForeignMinister Gromyko. He was also receivedby Prime Minister Nikita Khrushchev towhom he conveyed a renewed invitationto pay an official visit to Sweden. Thedate was fixed at June 1964 and would inaddition include Denmark, Norway andFinland.The spring of 1964 was devoted topreparing the Khrushchev visit. In earlyspring, Sweden was visited by two Sovietcosmonauts, Gagarin and Bykovsky, whoreceived much public attention. The nextstep was the official visit by Andrei Gromyko for talks with his Swedish colleagueTorsten Nilsson 17 – 21 March. As a youngdiplomat and in charge of the Soviet deskat the Swedish Foreign Ministry, I participated in these talks as a note-taker. Thetwo foreign ministers, as in their meetingin Moscow, devoted most of their timeto international issues, particularly theGerman issue and the test ban treaty. Asis evident from the recording of the talks,Gromyko found his Swedish counterpartsomewhat too optimistic as to the détenteimplications of the test ban treaty.In the official communiqué from ForeignMinister Nilsson’s visit to Moscow it wasnoted that “Foreign Minister Nilsson referred to the fact that Sweden intends to pursue its traditional policy of neutrality. Thetwo parties agreed that this policy constitutes a contribution to the calm and securityin Northern Europe”. In the communiquéfrom Foreign Minister Gromyko’s visitto Stockholm this point was formulatedslightly differently: “At the talks it was2 The memoirs of Ambassador Wilhelm Wachtmeister, Stockholm 199661KUNGL KRIGSVETENSKAPSAKADEMIENS HANDLINGAR OCH TIDSKRIFT6-2009once more confirmed that the traditionalSwedish policy of neutrality constitutesan important contribution to the calmand security in Northern Europe”. ThankGod, that we have now left this theologybehind us. I was in fact instrumental inpersuading the Swedish Government in1978 that we should forego the practice ofbilateral communiqués in connection withofficial visits.In his memoirs, Andrei Gromyko writesabout his visit to Stockholm in March1964. His greatest impression seems tohave been the meeting with the King ofSweden, about which he writes:My talk with King Gustav Adolphus, thegrandfather of the present King CharlesGustav XVI, left a special impression onme. I was met at in the royal palace bya tall, middle-aged man, one of the fewEuropean monarchs to have stayed firmlyon his throne. He was a cultivated man, hisspecial interest being archaeology, in whichhe said he tried to keep up with all the latestfindings.“I am especially interested in archaeologicalliterature, including Russian publications”he said. “Perhaps you would send me someof the latest works?”In due course, I sent him some books fromMoscow.As Soviet Foreign Minister, Andrei Gromyko participated in Nikita Khrushchev’sofficial visit to Sweden 22 – 27 June 1964,as did I on a low level. One amusing incident occurred at the private dinner thatPrime Minister Tage Erlander hosted forthe Soviet leader and the top members ofthe Soviet delegation at his official summerresidence, Harpsund, on June 25. Whiledrinking Swedish aquavit and Russianvodka, Erlander asked Torsten Nilssonto start singing, which is customary inSweden when drinking aquavit. Nilssonwas a good singer, which challengedKhrushchev, and soon the two socialist politicians were competing in revolutionarysongs. At the end, Khrushchev exclaimedto Erlander:Let us switch Foreign Ministers! Youcan have Gromyko! I will take TorstenNilsson. He is better because he can alsosing.Erlander jokingly agreed…3Khrushchev’s roguish treatment ofGromyko at Harpsund, reminds one ofthe story when Khrushchev said of Gromyko:If I ask him to remove his trousers and siton a block of ice he will sit there until theice has melted.Prime Minister Erlander paid a returnvisit to Moscow in June 1965 accompanied by his young future successor, OlofPalme. I was then serving at our embassyin Moscow and met the two delegations,including Andrei Gromyko, at receptions3 The memoirs of Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, Stockholm 198962KUNGL KRIGSVETENSKAPSAKADEMIENS HANDLINGAR OCH TIDSKRIFT6-2009 but did not participate in the talks. What Iremember, inter alia, from my first yearsin Moscow is that I made use of the Diplomatic Encyclopaedia edited by ForeignMinister Gromyko. It was a useful workof its time.Another work co-edited by Andrei Gromyko is the “History of Soviet ForeignPolicy”, published in 1973. It contains anassessment of Sweden that is both positiveand negative:The Soviet Union maintains friendly andgood-neighbour relations also with Sweden, the third neutral country in Europe.Underlying these relations is the mutualdesire to strengthen peace and internationalsecurity, especially in Northern Europe…Some circles in Sweden disrelish the timetested policy of neutrality, which has wonrespect throughout the world and has theSoviet Union’s full understanding. Underpressure from these circles attempts arebeing made in Stockholm to find the waysand means of entering the Common Market… In Sweden they have every reason tofear that their country’s membership of theEEC would seriously limit its sovereigntyand, consequently, make it impossible topursue a neutral foreign and domestic policy independently of the Common Marketand NATO.In hindsight, I hope that Andrei Gromykohimself did not write this rather stark interference in Sweden’s foreign policy.As Director of the Northern Departmentof the Swedish Foreign Ministry, I prepared the first Swedish State visit to theSoviet Union by King Charles XVI Gustavand Queen Silvia. Gromyko writes in hismemoirs thatthe King’s visit was to some extent a landmark in Soviet – Swedish relations, as itshowed that Sweden was genuinely interested in developing a businesslike relationshipwith her eastern neighbour.Andrei Gromyko’s last personal contactwith Sweden was in January 1984 when heattended the important Stockholm Conference on Confidence Building Measures,Security and Disarmament in Europe. Inhis book, he relates the positive talks heagain had with the King. It is worthy ofthought that the old Soviet professionalthat Andrei Gromyko was had such fondmemories of Swedish royalty.In Stockholm, Gromyko also had substantive talks with Prime Minister OlofPalme. In a personal remark on the murderof Palme he adds:Of Olof Palme we sadly now have to speakin the past tense. He was killed on 1 March1986 by a terrorist. There were reports thatsuggested he may have been the victim ofa right-wing organisation that could notswallow the Prime Minister’s liberal views,his predisposition to good relations with theSoviet Union and his role in creating thegroup of leaders of six countries – Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Tanzania andSweden – which came out for peace, disarmament and international collaboration.Or, of course, he may simply have been thetarget of a lunatic.63KUNGL KRIGSVETENSKAPSAKADEMIENS HANDLINGAR OCH TIDSKRIFT6-2009Andrei Gromyko both as Swedish Ambassador and in his capacity as the SpecialRepresentative of the Secretary-Generalof the United Nations for the MiddleEast. Jarring writes in his memoirs thathe always found Andrei Gromyko correct, amiable and quite often humorouswith a sort of quiet, dry humour that wellsuited Gromyko’s personality as Jarringunderstood him.My own recollection of Andrei Gromykois of an outstanding Soviet professionalwho with great devotion and tremendouscapacity for work served his country ingood as well as in bad times. When servingas Swedish ambassador to Moscow 1994– 2004 I often visited the Novodevichycemetery and always went to admire thegrave memorial of Andrei Gromyko. Hisface is hewn in a block of black granitewith one side convex and the other concaveagainst a white background. It gives foodfor much thought.The author is a former Ambassador forSweden to Russia and a fellow memberof the Academy.
The grave memorial of Andrei Gromyko.Photo: Genealogy ArchivesMy former Ambassador in Moscow, MrGunnar Jarring, had many contacts with
In the 1940s, the Soviet Union sees the developing Yishuv (Jewishsettlement community in Palestine), and then the young Israelistate, as a potential ally and political foothold in the Middle East,an important international political arena. Despite an officiallyanti-Zionist Soviet stance, Stalin and his administration, as aresult of their interest in adopting Israel as a Soviet proxy, take apragmatic stance and support the UN partition plan of Palestineinto separate Arab and Jewish states. The socialist leanings of theearly Jewish settlers in Palestine, many of whom came from theformer Soviet Union, intrigue the Soviet power structures,pushing them to ultimately come out and support Israel in the UNand in other arenas, assuming that the state would be formedunder the banner of Socialism, naturally making them asuperpower to align with.In addition to seeing Israel as a potential Soviet stronghold in theMiddle East, The Soviets, in the beginning of the Cold War, want to expedite the physical andpolitical removal of western influence from the region, most specifically British, whose presencein Palestine would end with the establish of sovereign nations. During the War of Independence,the Czechoslovakians, members of the Soviet Bloc, supply arms to the Struggling Israeli Army,further bolstering Soviet support of Israel.Ken Stein, September 2014Mr. GROMYKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): The course ofthe discussion, both in the plenary meetings of the General Assembly and in the First Committee,has shown that the Palestine question has become an acute political problem. Apparently, thisopinion is shared by all the delegations which took part in the discussion. This conclusion issupported by the very fact that this question is being discussed by the United Nations.However, the fact that the Palestine question has become a subject of discussion in the GeneralAssembly not only shows that the question is acute, but also imposes upon the United Nationsthe responsibility for its solution. This fact obliges us to study the question carefully from everyangle; and we should be guided by the purposes and principles of our Organization and by theinterests of the maintenance of peace and international security.Andrei Gromyko pictured in the Netherlands while serving as the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs.The course of the discussion has also shown that at this special session of the Assembly it isapparently difficult to take any definite and, still more, any final decision on the substance of theproblem. Thus, the discussion at this session can be considered only as the initial stage of theconsideration of the Palestine problem. In the opinion of all the delegations, the GeneralAssembly will have to take a decision on the substance of this question at its next regular sessionat the end of 1947.Nevertheless, the discussion has shown that the delegations of a number of States considered ituseful to exchange views on certain important aspects of the Palestine question at this session.The discussion, even though incomplete, of certain important aspects of this question has beenuseful. In the first place, it has enabled delegations to gain a better knowledge of the factsrelating to the Palestine question and, in particular, to the situation which has developed in thatcountry at the present time. In the second place, such a discussion, although it is of a preliminarynature, lightens the task of defining the functions and direction of the work of the committeewhich we are about to establish for the purpose of preparing proposals on the substance of thequestion for the regular session of the General Assembly.In discussing the Palestine question, even in a preliminary fashion, and in discussing the tasksand functions of the afore-mentioned committee, we cannot fail to note, first of all, the importantfact that the mandatory system of administration of Palestine, established in 1922, has notjustified itself. It has not passed the test. It is hardly possible to contest the accuracy of thisconclusion. It is an indisputable fact that the aims laid down at the time of the establishment ofthe mandate have not been achieved. The solemn declarations which accompanied theestablishment of the mandatory system of administration of Palestine have remained declarationsand have not been transformed into facts.The conclusion that the mandatory system of administration of Palestine has not justified itself isconfirmed by the whole history of the administration of Palestine on the basis of this system, notto mention the confirmation of this conclusion by the situation which has developed in thatcountry at the present time. In this connection, it may be recalled that in 1937 the British PeelCommission, after studying the Palestine situation, declared that it was impossible to carry outthe mandate. Such a conclusion was also reached by the Permanent Mandates Commission of theLeague of Nations, which also pointed out the "impossibility" of implementing the Palestinemandate. The committee we are about to set up should ascertain the historical facts relating tothis question.Many other facts relating to the history of the mandatory administration of Palestine could beadduced to confirm the bankruptcy of this system of administration. It is hardly necessary,however, to enumerate these facts in detail. In this connection, for instance, it is enough tomention the Arab uprising which took place in 1936 and continued for several years. There arealso enough facts relating to the situation existing in Palestine at the present time to confirm theaforementioned conclusion. We all know of the sanguinary events taking place in Palestine. Suchevents are becoming more and more frequent.For this reason, these events are attracting increasing attention from the peoples of the world and,above all, from the United Nations. This question is being considered by the General Assemblyas a direct result of the bankruptcy of the mandatory system of administration of Palestine, whichhas led to an extreme aggravation of the situation and to sanguinary events in that country. Thevery fact that the United Kingdom Government itself submitted this question for theconsideration of the General Assembly is extremely indicative. This fact can only be consideredas an admission that it is impossible for the existing situation in Palestine to continue. Thespecial committee should make a careful study of the situation at present prevailing in Palestine.It is well known that representatives of the United Kingdom Government have stated, at varioustimes, even before the question was submitted to the General Assembly, that the mandatorysystem of administration of Palestine has not justified itself and that the solution of the problemof how to deal with Palestine should be found by the United Nations. Thus, for instance, Mr.Bevin made the following statement in the House of Commons on 18 February 1947:"We intend to place before them [the United Nations] a historical account of theway in which His Majesty's Government have discharged their trust in Palestineover the last twenty-five years. We shall explain that the mandate has proved to beunworkable in practice and that the obligations undertaken to the twocommunities in Palestine have been shown to be irreconcilable."This statement by the British Foreign Minister directly and openly recognizes the real situationwhich has been brought about by the mandatory administration of Palestine. It is an admissionthat this administration did not solve the question of mutual relations between the Arabs and theJews, which is one of the most important and acute questions, and that this administration has notensured the achievement of the aims laid down when the mandate was established.The existing form of government, as Mr. Bevin has affirmed, is acceptable neither to the Arabpopulation nor to the Jewish population of Palestine. Both the Arabs and the Jews protest againstit. It has never enjoyed, and does not enjoy the support of the peoples of Palestine; and withoutsuch support it can only lead to further difficulties and complexities in the situation. Concerningthe attitude of the Arab and Jewish populations towards the mandatory system of administrationof Palestine, the British Foreign Minister stated in his speech to the House of Commons on 26February 1947 that the Palestine administration was faced with an extremely difficult task, didnot enjoy the support of the people and was subjected to criticism from both sides.The committee we are about to set up cannot fail to take into account the conclusions reached bythe United Kingdom Government itself concerning the results of the mandatory administration ofPalestine.It is well known that it is not only the United Kingdom Government which has reached thisconclusion. For instance, the so-called Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine,which studied the question in 1946, came to a conclusion which was essentially the same. ThisCommittee's report on the prevailing situation in Palestine contains the following passage:"Palestine is an armed camp. We saw signs of this almost as soon as we crossedthe frontier and we became more and more aware of the tense atmosphere eachday. Many buildings have barbed wire and other defenses. We ourselves wereclosely guarded by armed police and were often escorted by armored cars ...throughout the country there are substantially built police barracks."1/That is how the Anglo-American Committee described the position in Palestine. Its descriptionof the situation is still another proof of the results of the mandatory administration of Palestine.That Palestine, as the Committee states, has become "an armed camp" is a fact which speaks foritself. In such circumstances, there can be no serious talk of defending the interests of thepopulation of Palestine, of improving the material conditions of its existence, or of raising itscultural level.The same Anglo-American Committee pointed out the following extremely interesting facts:The total number of persons in full-time employment in the police and prison administrationreached 15,000 in 1945. This figure is extremely indicative. It explains to us how theconsiderable funds, which are a burden on the population, are expended. In other circumstances,these funds might be used in the interests of the economic and cultural development of thecountry and in the interests of its population. Here is another fact. In 1944-45, 18,400,000 U. S.dollars were spent on the maintenance of "law and order". In the same financial year, only2,200,000 U. S. dollars were spent on health measures, and 2,800,000 U. S. dollars on education.In citing these figures, the Anglo-American Committee came to the following noteworthyconclusion: "Thus, even from a budgetary point of view, Palestine has developed into a semimilitary or police State."2/The above-mentioned facts from the report of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry onPalestine, are of considerable interest in describing the situation prevailing in Palestine, and mustlead us to consider seriously how the existing situation can be rectified and how a solution of thePalestine problem can be found in conformity with the interests of its peoples and also with thegeneral interests of the United Nations. The task of the special committee should be to help theUnited Nations to achieve such a solution of the problem by studying the actual situation inPalestine on the spot.Is it surprising, in view of the situation prevailing in Palestine, that both the Jews and the Arabsdemand the termination of the mandate? They are fully agreed on this; there is no disagreementbetween them on this point. The United Nations must take this fact into account when itconsiders the question of Palestine's future.In discussing the question of the task of the committee for the preparation of proposals onPalestine, we must take into account another important aspect of this question. As we know, theaspirations of a considerable part of the Jewish people are linked with the problem of Palestineand of its future administration. This fact scarcely requires proof. It is not surprising, therefore,that great attention was given to this aspect of the question, both in the General Assembly and atthe meetings of the First Committee. Interest in this aspect is understandable and fully justified.During the last war, the Jewish people underwent exceptional sorrow and suffering. Without anyexaggeration, this sorrow and suffering are indescribable. It is difficult to express them in drystatistics on the Jewish victims of the fascist aggressors. The Jews in territories where theHitlerites held sway were subjected to almost complete physical annihilation. The total numberof members of the Jewish population who perished at the hands of the Nazi executioners isestimated at approximately six million. Only about a million and a half Jews in Western Europesurvived the war.But these figures, although they give an idea of the number of victims of the fascist aggressorsamong the Jewish people, give no idea of the difficulties in which large numbers of Jewishpeople found themselves after the war.Large numbers of the surviving Jews of Europe were deprived of their countries, their homes andtheir means of existence. Hundreds of thousands of Jews are wandering about in variouscountries of Europe in search of means of existence and in search of shelter. A large number ofthem are in camps for displaced persons and are still continuing to undergo great privations. Tothese privations our attention was drawn in particular by the representative of the Jewish Agency,whom we heard in the First Committee.It may well be asked if the United Nations, in view of the difficult situation of hundreds ofthousands of the surviving Jewish population, can fail to show an interest in the situation of thesepeople, torn away from their countries and their homes. The United Nations cannot and must notregard this situation with indifference, since this would be incompatible with the high principlesproclaimed in its Charter, which provide for the defence of human rights, irrespective of race,religion or sex. The time has come to help these people, not by word, but by deeds. It is essentialto show concern for the urgent needs of a people which has undergone such great suffering as aresult of the war brought about by Hitlerite Germany. This is a duty of the United Nations.In view of the necessity of manifesting concern for the needs of the Jewish people who findthemselves without homes and without means of existence, the delegation of the Union of SovietSocialist Republics thinks it essential, in this connection, to draw the attention of the GeneralAssembly to the following important circumstance. Past experience, particularly during theSecond World War, shows that no western European State was able to provide adequateassistance for the Jewish people in defending its rights and its very existence from the violenceof the Hitlerites and their allies. This is an unpleasant fact, but unfortunately, like all other facts,it must be admitted.The fact that no western European State has been able to ensure the defense of the elementaryrights of the Jewish people, and to safeguard it against the violence of the fascist executioners,explains the aspirations of the Jews to establish their own State. It would be unjust not to takethis into consideration and to deny the right of the Jewish people to realize this aspiration. Itwould be unjustifiable to deny this right to the Jewish people, particularly in view of all it hasundergone during the Second World War. Consequently, the study of this aspect of the problemand the preparation of relevant proposals must constitute an important task of the specialcommittee.I shall now deal with a fundamental question in connection with the discussion of the tasks andpowers of the committee we are about to set up, that is, the question of Palestine's future. It iswell known that there are many different plans regarding the future of Palestine and regardingthe decisions of the Jewish people in connection with the Palestine question. In particular,several proposals were drawn up in connection with this question by the Anglo-AmericanCommittee of Inquiry on Palestine, to which I have referred. Among the better-known plans onthe question of the future administration of Palestine, I should like to mention the following:1. The establishment of a single Arab-Jewish State, with equal rights for Arabs and Jews;2. The partition of Palestine into two independent States, one Arab and one Jewish;3. The establishment of an Arab State in Palestine, without due regard for the rights of the Jewishpopulation;4. The establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine, without due regard for the rights of the Arabpopulation.Each of these four basic plans has, in turn, different variants for regulating relations between theArabs and the Jews and for settling certain other problems. I shall not analyze all these plans indetail at the present time. The Soviet Union will explain its position on the various plans ingreater detail when definite proposals are prepared and considered and, more particularly, whendecisions are taken on the future of Palestine. For the time being, I shall confine myself to a fewremarks on the substance of the proposed plans, from the point of view of defining thecommittee's tasks in that field.In analyzing the various plans for the future of Palestine, it is essential, first of all, to bear inmind the specific aspects of this question. It is essential to bear in mind the indisputable fact thatthe population of Palestine consists of two peoples, the Arabs and the Jews. Both have historicalroots in Palestine. Palestine has become the homeland of both these peoples, each of which playsan important part in the economy and the cultural life of the country.Neither the historic past nor the conditions prevailing in Palestine at present can justify anyunilateral solution of the Palestine problem, either in favor of establishing an independent ArabState, without consideration for the legitimate rights of the Jewish people, or in favour of theestablishment of an independent Jewish State, while ignoring the legitimate rights of the Arabpopulation. Neither of these extreme decisions would achieve an equitable solution of thiscomplicated problem, especially since neither would ensure the settlement of relations betweenthe Arabs and the Jews, which constitutes the most important task.An equitable solution can be reached only if sufficient consideration is given to the legitimateinterests of both these peoples. All this leads the Soviet delegation to the conclusion that thelegitimate interests of both the Jewish and Arab populations of Palestine can be duly safeguardedonly through the establishment of an independent, dual, democratic, homogeneous Arab-JewishState. Such a State must be based on equality of rights for the Jewish and the Arab populations,which might lay foundations of co-operation between these two peoples to their mutual interestand advantage. It is well known that this plan for the solution of Palestine's future has itssupporters in that country itself.Contemporary history provides examples not only of the racial and religious discriminationwhich, unfortunately, still exists in certain countries. It also gives us examples of the peacefulcollaboration of different nationalities within the framework of a single State, in the course ofwhich collaboration each nationality has unlimited possibilities for contributing its labor andshowing its talents within the framework of a single State and in the common interests of all thepeople. Is it not obvious that it would be extremely useful, in reaching a decision on the Palestineproblem, to take into consideration existing examples of such friendly co-existence and brotherlyco-operation among various nationalities within a single State?Thus, the solution of the Palestine problem by the establishment of a single Arab-Jewish Statewith equal rights for the Jews and the Arabs may be considered as one of the possibilities andone of the more noteworthy methods for the solution of this complicated problem. Such asolution of the problem of Palestine's future might be a sound foundation for the peaceful coexistence and co-operation of the Arab and Jewish populations of Palestine, in the interests ofboth these peoples and to the advantage of the entire Palestine population and of the peace andsecurity of the Near East.If this plan proved impossible to implement, in view of the deterioration in the relations betweenthe Jews and the Arabs--and it will be very important to know the special committee's opinion onthis question--then it would be necessary to consider the second plan which, like the first, has itssupporters in Palestine, and which provides for the partition of Palestine into two independentautonomous States, one Jewish and one Arab. I repeat that such a solution of the Palestineproblem would be justifiable only if relations between the Jewish and Arab populations ofPalestine indeed proved to be so bad that it would be impossible to reconcile them and to ensurethe peaceful co-existence of the Arabs and the Jews.Of course, both these possible plans for the solution of the problem of Palestine's future must bestudied by the committee. Its task must be a multilateral and careful discussion of the plans forthe administration of Palestine, with a view to submitting, to the next regular session of theGeneral Assembly, some well-considered and reasoned proposals, which would help the UnitedNations to reach a just solution of this problem in conformity with the interests of the peoples ofPalestine, the interests of the United Nations and our common interest in the maintenance ofpeace and international security.Such are the considerations which the Soviet delegation thought necessary to express at thisinitial stage of the consideration of the Palestine problem.
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